From the history of elections in Russia. Elections in Russia and the world: interesting facts How elections appeared in the world

In life, a person always has to choose: friends, profession, life partner, actions, etc. It is very difficult to choose one’s destiny, but it is even more difficult to choose when it comes to the fate of an entire state. Today we will talk about the history of elections in our country, electoral law and the electoral system, and democratic elections.
The history of elections goes back to the distant past of our state. The very appearance in the historical arena of the founder of the dynasty that ruled the Russian lands until the beginning of the 17th century, the Varangian prince Rurik, appears before us in the chronicle as the result not of conquest, but of a general political decision of the united Slavic and Finnish lands.
Particularly striking examples are provided by the history of the northwestern lands: Novgorod and Pskov. A special form of government developed here - a feudal republic, in which the main officials (mayor, mayor, archbishop) were elected for a certain term at a general meeting of townspeople. Decisions were made by open voting at the meeting. A large number of people gathered in the city square, (the discussion of the issue could last more than one day) those gathered shouted out their point of view. The question remained open until those participating in the vote reached “unanimity.” It happened that supporters of different points of view started fights, figuring out who should concede the vote.
With the formation of a centralized state, the need for the existence of a veche disappeared. The centralized monarchy did not need the veche as a state body. But another institution was needed to replace and replace it: an estate-representative body that would support the policies of the authorities, through which the authorities would learn about public demands and turn to society. Elections and electoral procedures in the Russian state in the 16th and 17th centuries. receive legal registration and this was primarily due to the formation of a unified Moscow state. In 1497, a national Code of Law was adopted, according to which the powers of elected bodies were expanded. In the first half of the 16th century, the system of local government was reformed, new bodies of self-government were established - provincial and zemstvo huts, which were elected bodies; a certain election procedure.
A special place among public authorities in the 16th - 17th centuries. occupied by Zemsky Sobors, which were an estate-representative body formed on the principle of participation, position and socio-political status, as well as on the principle of elected territorial and estate delegation. Zemsky Sobors elected kings, declared war or peace, approved taxes, appointed officials, etc., but they were not a permanent body; they met as needed. The most important events in the activities of the Zemsky Sobors were the elections of kings. Elections of kings took place in 1598 - Boris Godunov was elected to the kingdom, in 1606 - Vasily Shuisky, 1613 - Mikhail Romanov. The elections took place in an atmosphere of intense electoral struggle and were accompanied by widespread election campaigning. The procedure for electing kings was not formalized into a special procedure, but implied a special tactic for holding conciliar meetings, appealing to the opinion of the population, and achieving compromises between boyar groups. The councils considered issues of both national importance and those related to individual branches of government: judicial, church, military. Voting during the work of Zemsky Sobors took place orally, openly, by class; the decision was made on the basis of "unanimity". Zemsky Sobors existed for less than 150 years: the first was created by Ivan the Terrible in 1549, the last - in 1683-1684. during the reign of Princess Sophia. The representation of class groups at the councils consistently expanded. If Ivan the Terrible spoke to representatives of the highest administration (boyars, butlers, governors, princes), then in 1653 many more “ranks” were present at the cathedral. There were merchants and ordinary townspeople present here. If necessary, representatives of the white and black clergy took part in the work of the cathedral. At the cathedral meetings of 1645 and 1682. the election of kings was replaced by the procedure for approving the legal heir to the throne, which meant the development of an estate-representative monarchy into an absolutist one.
The emergence of an absolute monarchy interrupted the tradition of the formation of Russian national representative institutions, which would appear again in the 20th century. But the question of popular representation arose in Russia long before the elections to the First State Duma took place. Before the reforms of the 60s - 70s. XIX century the concept of “elective law” mainly refers to the institutions of estate and local self-government. These bodies (city dumas, noble assemblies) were formed on the basis of qualification representation and age, property, and social qualifications. Electoral law in the pre-reform period had an extremely narrow scope of application. In the second half of the 19th century. Following the peasant, zemstvo, city, judicial and other reforms, the formation of a system of electoral rights in Russia and the granting of voting rights to broad sections of the population begins. The zemstvo reform of 1864 and the city reform of 1870 entailed significant changes in Russian electoral law. Zemstvos, as local government bodies, were formed with the participation of all classes of the then Russian society. The electoral system was based on the principle of elections by estate. Voters were divided into three curia: local landowners, peasant societies and townspeople who owned real estate. The elections were indirect. Congresses of representatives of each curia elected a set number of vowels. The district zemstvo assemblies elected members of the provincial zemstvo assembly. Persons over 25 years of age were allowed to participate in elections. Foreigners and persons convicted by a court verdict, under investigation or trial could not participate in the elections. According to the urban reform, an all-estate system of urban self-government was established. Elected bodies - city Dumas - received significant rights in resolving many issues of city life. Voters could be the owners of commercial and industrial establishments, all those who had certificates of entrepreneurial activity and contributed taxes to the city treasury. Various departments, institutions, societies, monasteries and churches that owned real estate in the city, represented by their representatives, also enjoyed the right to vote. Voters had to have Russian citizenship and be at least 25 years old. Workers and artisans, all those who were engaged in mental work and did not have real estate, were deprived of voting rights. All voters were divided into three curiae: large, medium and small taxpayers. Each curia paid a third of the city taxes and elected a third of the councilors. The voting was secret. Voting by proxy was allowed. Candidates who received more than half the votes in the elections were considered elected. In this case, the number of voters present at the meeting had to exceed the number of elected vowels. Back in the 19th century. Progressively-minded public figures thought that there should be limits to the tsar’s autocracy. Representative institutions, it seemed, could serve as a worthy means here. On the other hand, the state of mutual alienation between the state and society was obvious to everyone. Representative institutions, within which society would cooperate with the government, were considered a factor capable of breaking this age-old tradition. These ideas, which were correct in themselves and quite popular among the educated public, found at that time an ambiguous interpretation in projects for their practical implementation. With all the diversity of this kind of ideas, two main directions can be distinguished: the traditional zemstvo, which saw the expression of a moral principle in a representative institution, and the constitutional-legal one, based on the need to limit the power of the tsar by relevant laws and state legal institutions. The beginning of the zemstvo was laid by the reform of 1864. One of the goals of creating zemstvos was, according to the Minister of Internal Affairs Lansky, “to reward the nobles for the loss of landowner power” by giving them “primacy in the local economic administration” (a high property and, from 1890, class electoral qualification was established). The peak of the movement occurred during the First World War, when it was already serious competition for government agencies. On November 6, 1904, a zemstvo congress took place, the result of which was an eleven-point reform program, the fruit of struggle and compromise between zemstvos. They were in charge of education, healthcare, road construction, etc. Before the First World War, 1914-1918. Zemstvos existed in 43 provinces of European Russia. In addition, in 1918, by decree of the Provisional Government, Zemsky volost councils were created. Zemstvos were abolished in 1918 by decree of the Soviet government. At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. ideas for the structure of the Moscow state, and above all zemstvo councils, where the power of the monarch was limited not by legal institutions, but by the norms of the moral obligation to serve the people and listen to their opinion, received new life. This position was shared both by representatives of zemstvo institutions and by figures of the tsarist administration at the highest level, which included, for example, N. Ignatiev, who held the post of Minister of Internal Affairs in 1882 and tried to revive the idea of ​​​​the Zemsky Sobor. Unlike many countries in the world, where parliamentary traditions have developed over centuries, in Russia the first representative institution (in the modern sense of the term) was convened only in 1906. It was named the State Duma and existed for about 12 years, until the fall of the autocracy, having four convocations. It was named the State Duma and existed for about 12 years, until the fall of the autocracy, having four convocations. August 6, 2010 will mark 105 years since the establishment of the first State Duma of Russia.
THE FIRST STATE DUMA is a Russian representative legislative body that operated from April 27 to July 8, 1906 during one session. The principles of the State Duma's activities were determined by the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which declared the foundations of civil liberties and the convening of a legislative body in which all segments of the population would be allowed to participate in the elections. Emperor Nicholas II Alexandrovich promised that no law could be approved by the Tsar without the approval of the State Duma; executive authorities should have provided the opportunity for State Duma deputies to participate in monitoring the implementation of legislation. On December 11, 1905, the law on elections to the State Duma was issued. The electoral system established by the Decree of December 11, 1905 was the most progressive in Russian history until 1917. But it was still limited. Russian electoral law lacked such principles as universality and equality. The elections were indirect, multi-stage, and had a class and qualification character. The law established a high age limit: men who had reached 25 years of age were allowed to participate in elections. Women did not receive the right to vote, as did military personnel, students, and peoples leading a nomadic lifestyle. Those convicted of crimes and those under investigation, etc. were not allowed to participate in the elections. Officials - governors and vice-governors and others, as well as police officers - could not participate in them. To participate in elections, a property qualification was established that did not allow significant sections of society, for example, workers, to participate.
Having recognized the legislative rights of the State Duma, the Tsar sought to limit them in every possible way. By the manifesto of February 20, 1906, the highest legislative institution
Inauguration of the State Duma of the Russian Empire - The State Council, which had existed since 1810, was transformed into an upper legislative chamber with the right to veto decisions of the State Duma. The Manifesto of February 20, 1906 explained that the State Duma does not have the right to change basic state laws. A significant part of the state budget was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the State Duma. According to the new edition of the basic state laws of April 23, 1906, the emperor retained full power to govern the country through the government responsible only to him, the leadership of foreign policy, and the management of the army and navy. The Tsar could issue laws during breaks between sessions, which were then only formally approved by the State Duma. Moreover, a special paragraph 87 was added to the Code of Basic State Laws, which allowed the tsar to issue new laws on his own behalf during breaks between sessions of the Duma. Later, Nicholas II used this paragraph to dissolve the Duma for one day and on that very day to pass a law that the Duma probably would not have accepted. The elections themselves were not universal, equal and direct: women, young people under 25, military personnel, and a number of national minorities were excluded. All persons who received voting rights were divided into several curiae, placed in unequal conditions. In the largest cities of the country, elections were two-stage, in the provinces three-stage. A four-stage election system was established for peasants. The different quality of the stages of the electoral process led to the fact that the electors from the curiae represented a different number of voters. So in the landowning curia (landowners) one elector represented 2 thousand voters, in the city - 7 thousand, in the peasant curia - 30 thousand, in the workers' curia - 90 thousand.
The grand opening of the State Duma took place on April 27, 1906 in the Throne Hall of the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg. One of the leaders of the cadets, a professor at Moscow University, legal scholar S.A., was elected Chairman of the State Duma. Muromtsev. The agrarian question became central at the meetings of the First State Duma. From the very beginning of its activity, the First State Duma demonstrated that it did not intend to put up with the authoritarianism of the tsarist government. In response to the tsar’s speech from the throne on May 5, 1906, the Duma adopted an address in which it demanded an amnesty for political prisoners, the real implementation of political freedoms, universal equality, and the liquidation of state, appanage and monastic lands. Eight days later, Chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin rejected all the demands of the State Duma. She, in turn, passed a resolution of no confidence in the government, demanding his resignation. During the 72 days of its work, the First State Duma accepted 391 requests for illegal government actions. In the conditions of actual confrontation between the State Duma and the government, Nicholas II decided to exercise his right to dissolve the State Duma at any time, which he did, justifying his decision using the wording “for evading issues not within the competence of the Duma.” The Tsar's manifesto on the dissolution of the First State Duma was published on July 9, 1906.
The “Regulations on Elections to the State Duma” of July 3, 1907 changed the electoral legislation. It deprived residents of the outskirts of the country of voting rights, and representation from cities was reduced. The electorate of the lower classes narrowed significantly. So in the peasant curia one elector was now elected from 60 thousand, in the workers’ curia from 125 thousand (previously from 90 thousand). As a result, the percentage of voters dropped from 25 to 15%.
Elections to the State Duma of the second convocation took place in the context of a revolutionary movement. The II State Duma opened on February 20, 1907. Right-wing cadet F.A. was elected Chairman of the Duma. Golovin. The main issue remained the agrarian issue, on which the factions presented their projects. The Duma of the second convocation also discussed the food issue, the state budget for 1907, and the issue of conscription into the army. But the Second State Duma did not live up to the government’s hopes, so the Ministry of Internal Affairs secretly prepared a draft of a new electoral law. In June 1907, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs Stolypin demanded the removal of Social Democrats from participation in State Duma meetings and deprivation of some of them parliamentary immunity, accusing them of preparing to overthrow the government and the emperor. Two days later, the tsar’s manifesto was released, announcing the dissolution of the Second State Duma and a change in the election regulations. The new election law violated the earlier one, according to which no law could be adopted without approval by the Duma. This only confirmed the opinion that the State Duma of the first and second convocations was only formally a legislative body.
Simultaneously with the decree on the dissolution of the Duma of the second convocation, on June 3, 1907, a new Regulation on elections to the Duma, that is, a new electoral law, was published. According to this law, a new Duma was convened. Elections took place in the fall of 1907. This Duma was significantly to the right of the previous two. The chairmen of the Duma of the 3rd convocation were N. A. Khomyakov (Octobrist) - from November 1, 1907 to March 4, 1910, A. I. Guchkov (Octobrist) from October 29, 1910 to March 14, 1911, M. V. Rodzianko (Octobrist) from March 22, 1911 to June 9, 1912

In June 1912, the powers of the deputies of the III State Duma expired, and in the fall elections to the IV State Duma took place. The Duma of the IV convocation began its work on November 15, 1912 and continued until February 25, 1917. The chairman all this time was the Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko, the State Duma played a leading role in the establishment of the Provisional Government. Under the Provisional Government, the Duma worked under the guise of “private meetings.” The Duma opposed the creation of Soviets. In August 1917, she participated in the preparation of the unsuccessful Kornilov campaign against Petrograd. The Bolsheviks more than once demanded its dispersal, but in vain. On October 6, 1917, the Provisional Government decided to dissolve the Duma in connection with preparations for elections to the Constituent Assembly.
The February Revolution of 1917 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Russian electoral law and, although they did not last long, they were a large-scale phenomenon for Russia. On the basis of the adopted legal acts regulating electoral practice, the bodies of zemstvo and city self-government were democratically elected and elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly were held. On May 27, 1917, the “Temporary Rules on the Election of Provincial and District Zemstvo Councils” and the resolution “On the Volost Zemstvo Administration” were published. Class and property restrictions were abolished. Elections became general, equal and direct with secret ballot. A petition procedure was established for the nomination of lists of candidates by voters from groups of citizens numbering at least 100 people. By its nature, the Regulations were one of the most democratic documents of its time, not only in Russia, but also in Europe. First of all, this concerned the admission of women to vote and a lower age limit. A distinctive feature of the legal act was the requirement to hold elections on the basis of a proportional system, which was almost never used in European countries at that time. The new law corresponded to the level of advanced electoral laws of its time. It was envisaged to introduce a system of elections based on lists nominated by political parties. For the first time in Russia, qualifications were abolished: property, literacy, residence, as well as restrictions on national and religious grounds. The composition of voters expanded - the right to vote was given to women and military personnel. The minimum age for participation in elections was set at 20 years. The right to participate in elections was deprived of the deaf and dumb, the mentally ill, those under guardianship, those convicted by the court, insolvent debtors, military deserters, and members of the royal family. To conduct elections, Russia was divided into territorial districts, and polling stations were created. The “Regulations” determined the competence and operating procedures of election commissions at all levels. A uniform form of ballot paper was established, each voter was given a personal identification card, upon presentation of which he was allowed to vote. Thus, the electoral legislation of the period of the democratic republic in Russia was the most modern state legal document at that time. On its basis, on November 12, 1917, the Constituent Assembly was elected, which existed, however, for a short time. As is known, it was dispersed by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 with the active participation of their partners in the government bloc - the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. A little earlier, on December 18, 1917, one of the decrees of Lenin’s Council of People’s Commissars also abolished the office of the State Duma. Thus ended the era of “bourgeois” parliamentarism in Russia.

With the establishment of the Bolsheviks in power and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the prospects for the democratic development of Russia were lost. The rigid one-party political system established in the country did not allow free elections. And although the electoral legislation of Soviet Russia included democratic principles for holding elections, in fact the elections were under strict control of the authorities and only in the post-Soviet period did electoral legislation begin to develop on democratic principles.
The Constitution of the RSFSR (1918), adopted after the October Revolution of 1917, proclaimed completely different principles of electoral law. Active and passive voting rights were granted to citizens of the RSFSR of both sexes who had reached the age of 18 by election day, regardless of religion, nationality, residence, etc. Military personnel received the right to vote and be elected. However, here too there was a wide range of restrictions: persons who resorted to hired labor for the purpose of making a profit could not vote and be elected; persons living on unearned income (interest on capital, etc.); private traders; monks and church ministers; employees and agents of the former police, special corps of gendarmes and security departments; members of the house that reigned in Russia; mentally ill persons; persons convicted of selfish and defamatory crimes for a period established by law.
In addition to these restrictions, a quota approach was also in effect. The highest body of power, the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, was formed from representatives of city Soviets and provincial congresses of Soviets. The first supplied one deputy from 25 thousand voters, the second - one deputy from 125 thousand inhabitants. It should be noted that according to the Constitution of 1918, not only Soviet citizens, but also foreigners living in Russia and belonging to the working class or peasantry had voting rights.
The Constitution of the USSR, adopted in 1936, abandoned these restrictions, removing from participation in elections persons who were not citizens of the USSR, minors, and those convicted by a court with deprivation of voting rights (the last restriction was lifted only in 1958). There have been changes in the election procedure: multi-level elections of higher levels of representative bodies of power have been replaced by direct ones. According to the Constitution, the composition of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, consisting of two chambers, was subject to direct election by citizens at the national level; in the union and autonomous republics, a unicameral Supreme Council was elected; at the local level, citizens elected deputies of regional, regional, city, district, district and village Councils. People's judges and people's assessors of district (city) people's courts were also subject to the election of citizens, which was enshrined at the level of the Constitution in Art. 109 (7, 5 - 30). At all levels, elections were carried out according to the majoritarian system of absolute majority. The elections were considered valid if the majority of those included in the voter lists took part in them, and the one for whom more than half of all registered voters voted was considered elected. In general, the electoral law of the Soviet period is characterized by the following features: the Constitution regulated in detail not only the principles of the electoral system, but also the procedure for holding elections both at the federal, republican and local levels. The effectiveness of the elections was quite high, but at the same time, election campaigns were, as a rule, formal, and the election results were often predetermined.
Among the novelties of the 1977 electoral system, it should be noted that a number of new principles were enshrined in the Constitution. First of all, the principle of free elections. Part two art. 100 guaranteed citizens of the USSR and public organizations the right to a free and comprehensive discussion of the political, business and personal qualities of candidates for deputies, and also provided the right to campaign at meetings, in the press, on television and radio.
The circle of entities having the right to nominate candidates has expanded: along with CPSU organizations, trade unions, the Komsomol and cooperatives, labor collectives and meetings of military personnel in military units have acquired this right. At the same time, the previous practice of nominating candidates on a production basis and voting on a territorial basis was maintained.
Thus, the 1977 Constitution of the USSR did not introduce significant changes to the previously existing Soviet electoral system.
Major reform of the Soviet electoral system began during the period of perestroika. It began with the adoption of the USSR Law of December 1, 1988 "On the elections of people's deputies of the USSR"
One of the most important stages of the election process is the nomination of candidates for deputies and the discussion of their business and personal qualities. In accordance with Art. 9 of the Law, the right to nominate a candidate belonged to labor collectives, public organizations and meetings of voters at the place of residence and military personnel in military units, and the Law did not limit the number of nominated candidates. Thus, voters received the right to nominate alternative candidates. However, as practice has shown, in 399 territorial and national-territorial electoral districts (more than 25%) one candidate was nominated in the elections of deputies to the Congress of People's Deputies in 1989, and in 13 districts these elections were declared invalid<13>. The reason is that Art. 38 of the Election Law stated: “Any number of candidates may be submitted for registration.” And this formula fits into a hundred, and one, and not a single candidate.
Approximately according to the same scheme, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR was formed in 1990. Territorial elections were held according to a majoritarian system of absolute majority, but repeat voting, and even more so repeat elections, were held in a minimum number of electoral districts. Nevertheless, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR never met in full, since by-elections were constantly held in some district in connection with the departure of a deputy.
The described electoral system was also not ideal. But this was the last Soviet-style electoral system in our country. In fact, it already carried elements of the transitional, post-Soviet electoral system - alternative elections, voting at the place of residence, the possibility of nominating an unlimited number of candidates.
As a result of its action, a representative body of government was created for the first time in our country. It was an independent, independent body of power, and voters and deputies made it so.
December 12, 1993 a referendum was held. 58% of those participating approved the presidential draft of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. One of the provisions was the formation of a new bicameral parliament - the Federal Assembly (upper house Federation Council, lower State Duma). Elections for the President of Russia were held in 1991, 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008. The decision to introduce the post of President of the RSFSR, elected by popular vote for a period of 5 years, was made in a referendum on March 17, 1991. The provision on direct elections of the President was preserved in the Constitution of the Russian Federation of 1993, but his term of office was reduced to four years.
In 2008, Federal Constitutional Laws No. 6-FKZ and No. 7-FKZ dated December 30, 2008 amended the Constitution of the Russian Federation. In accordance with them, the President of the Russian Federation is elected for a term of six years by citizens of the Russian Federation on the basis of universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot. The State Duma is elected for a period of five years.

How did the Haitian dictator modify the ballots for elections and referendums?

Haitian dictator François Duvalier came to power in 1957 and ensured that the newly elected parliament consisted almost entirely of his supporters. But four years later, Duvalier dissolved it ahead of schedule and held elections for a new one. Each ballot carried the subtle inscription “Dr. François Duvalier - President,” and the Haitians were subsequently told that they had voluntarily re-elected a president for the next six years. Three years later, a referendum was organized where residents of the country were asked whether they agreed to Duvalier's lifelong presidency. Only an affirmative answer was printed on the ballots, and those who wrote the word “No” by hand were immediately persecuted.

Why can you become president in the United States with only 22% of the popular vote?

In the United States, the president is elected not by direct popular vote, but by the so-called Electoral College. A state's number of electors is equal to its number of representatives in Congress, based on population. Any citizen has the right to go to the polling station and cast his vote, then each state determines its winner, and all the electors from that state vote for him according to the “winner takes all” principle. Because of this system, three times in history a candidate who did not win a majority in the popular vote became president, the last such case being in 2016, when Donald Trump was elected. Theoretically, at extreme values ​​of all indicators, it is possible to win an election with only 22% of the popular vote.

Which city's mayor beat his competitors in SimCity before winning the election?

During the 2002 Warsaw mayoral campaign, candidates were asked to compete to govern the city in the game SimCity 3000. To do this, a map of Warsaw was simulated with certain assumptions, and each participant was given the same amount of in-game currency. True, most of the participants preferred to entrust the development of the computer city to members of their team, while they themselves communicated with the audience, but this situation perfectly reflects the essence of the mayor’s work. The best result was achieved by Lech Kaczynski, who then won the elections and was subsequently elected president of Poland.

Which cardinal became Pope by chance?

During the election of the Pope, some cardinals followed a special strategy. In the first round, they voted randomly for a candidate who had no chance of winning in order to see how the votes were distributed among strong contenders, and based their future policies on this. However, in the elections in 1334, a curious thing happened: all the cardinals voted in the first round for the inconspicuous Jacques Fournier, except Fournier himself. The conclave had no choice but to confirm him as pope under the name Benedict XII.

Why did Philadelphia mayors often resign from office, preferring to pay a fine?

In 1701, Philadelphia received a city charter, according to which each year the City Council elected a mayor from among its members. However, he was not entitled to any salary, so many elected mayors refused the position, preferring to pay a considerable fine. The salary of the head of the city was approved only in 1747.

Which crossword puzzle encrypted any outcome of the US presidential election?

On the eve of the 1996 US presidential election, the New York Times published a crossword puzzle. In its horizontal center there were two words with a general task: “Lead story in tomorrow's newspaper.” The crossword puzzle was designed so that the answer could be both “CLINTON ELECTED” and “BOBDOLE ELECTED "("Clinton elected" and "Bob Dole elected"). For this purpose, the wording of the seven vertical tasks allowed two equivalent answers. For example, for the first letter there was a task: "Black Halloween animal" with possible answers "BAT" and "CAT" ("Bat" and "Cat").

Which election was won by a party that declared in advance that it would not keep its promises?

The Best Party, recently founded by comedian Jon Gnarr, took part in the 2010 Reykjavik city council elections. The party program contained many populist slogans and promises of all kinds of benefits, but it was immediately stipulated that the party would not fulfill these promises in the event of victory. One of the points of the program was the statement that all other parties are secretly corrupt, therefore our party will be openly corrupt. As a result, the “Best Party” actually came first with 34.7% of the vote, and Jon Gnarr took the post of mayor of Reykjavik.

Why did George I become king of Greece, finishing only 18th in the elections?

In 1862, the Greeks overthrew King Otto, but did not want to give up the idea of ​​a monarchy, deciding to choose a new monarch in a general referendum. There were no ballots with candidates, and any subject could nominate his candidacy. Prince Alfred, the son of Queen Victoria, won a convincing victory with 230 thousand votes (more than 95%), but could not become king, since long before this, Great Britain, France and Russia signed an agreement according to which not a single member of their royal families could take the Greek throne . For the same reason, many other candidates abandoned the throne, and only the Danish Prince Wilhelm, who received only 6 votes and took 18th place, had no objections. It was he who, under the name George, ruled Greece for the next 50 years.

Which country elected an MP who promised more tailwinds on bike paths?

Danish actor-comedian Jakob Haugaard has been running for parliament in his country since 1979 with a comic program. He promised voters an 8-8-8 daily routine: eight hours of free time, eight hours of rest and the remaining eight hours of sleep. His other promises included more tailwinds on cycle paths, better weather forecasts, shorter queues at supermarkets and the addition of Nutella to soldiers' diets. In 1994, he finally gained a sufficient number of votes in the next elections and sat in the Danish Parliament for 4 years.

Which politician won the election with a motto in which he admitted to killing the country's citizens?

From 1989 to 1996, Liberia was in a state of civil war involving several warring parties, one of which was the rebels under the command of Charles Taylor. After the cessation of hostilities with the participation of peacekeeping forces from other African countries, presidential elections were held in Liberia in 1997. Taylor ran with the slogan “He killed my mom. He killed my dad. I vote for him” and won with a result of 75%.

The monarch of which state is elected democratically by the citizens of another country?

The Principality of Andorra is governed jointly by Spain and France. The princes are, respectively, the Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Urgell and the President of France. Thus, the French president is the only democratically elected monarch in the world.

In which countries is participation in elections compulsory?

In more than twenty countries around the world, the law provides for compulsory participation in elections for everyone who has the right to vote. While in some of these countries there is no penalty for failing to comply with this law, in others, such as Australia, you will have to pay a fine for not turning up to vote. In Peru and Greece, irresponsible citizens may be denied government services by various departments. And if a Brazilian over 18 misses an election without a valid reason, he will not be issued a passport until he votes in the next one.

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From the history of elections.

Since ancient times, elections have become characteristic of man. Leaders were elected at general meetings (gatherings). This is how the primary authority arose - a unique element of democracy - primitive in nature.

The origins of modern elections lie in Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome, where free citizens were required to participate in political life by sitting in popular assemblies. The will of the people, expressed by voting in the assembly, acquired the force of law.

In Ancient Greece, open voting and secret voting by lot were used. The “ballot” was a bean: a white bean meant “for”, a black one meant “against”.

In Athens, there was another type of secret ballot, the “court of shards”: according to it, the community had the right to expel any public figure from the city limits if his popularity threatened the foundations of democracy. The voting procedure looked like this: the participant received a shard and wrote on it the name of the person whom he considered necessary to expel from Athens, and then placed the shard in a special fenced place in the square. The one whose name was repeated more times was declared expelled.

In ancient Rome, the election campaign began long before voting day. The candidate declared to the authorities his desire to run. After this, the election campaign began. This happened in the following way: the candidate put on a snow-white toga (candidate), which meant his clear conscience, and went to squares and bazaars, asking for support from voters. On voting day, each voter received a small tablet - a ballot - and wrote the name of the candidate on it and placed it in the ballot box.

Years and centuries passed, states and forms of government of the people changed. How did the elections take place in Russia?

Elections in Rus'. Let us remember the Novgorod Veche - a body of direct democracy that grew up against the backdrop of popular tribal communities, which were distinguished by developed self-government. During the period of the Moscow Kingdom, the Boyar Duma arose under the state to resolve important issues, but in extreme cases it was strengthened by new members and turned into the Zemsky Sobor. The Council included all ranks of the Moscow state: clergy, boyars, nobles, guests, elders of the living hundreds, centurions of the black hundreds, Cossacks, as well as “county people” (free peasants). To participate in the Council, deputies arrived by appointment, but often by choice. The competence of the Council included issues of war and peace, annexation of new lands, collection of financial resources, etc. The councils of 1598 and 1613 elected Tsars Boris Godunov and Mikhail Romanov.

The predecessor of the current chamber of the Federal Assembly is the State Duma. The first State Duma was created in Russia after the publication of the Manifesto by Nicholas II on October 17, 1905. Men over 25 years of age were allowed to participate in the elections. Women, military personnel, students, nomadic peoples, governors, mayors, and police officers did not receive voting rights.

Today, elections are held on the basis of universal and direct suffrage by secret ballot, and the participation of citizens of the Russian Federation in elections is free and voluntary.

PCPI Department

When was the first election held? WHERE?

At the meeting, the most important issues were decided, including the election of officials - the thousand (chief of the zemstvo militia and the city judge), sotsky, tensky, and elders. The elections were direct and open. Any of those present at the meeting could propose (“shout out”) a candidate. If none of the candidates had a clear majority of supporters, then lots were cast. But even if in Novgorod and Pskov, where princely power remained until the end of the 11th century. was limited, the elected bodies often experienced pressure from the “princely men”, the stronger was the power of the appointed administration in the princely cities. Perhaps this is why in Nizhny Novgorod, founded in 1221 by the Grand Duke of Vladimir Yuri Vsevolodovich, only one indirect mention of the veche was preserved in the chronicle of 1305. Judging by the absence of other evidence, the veche in Nizhny Novgorod (as, indeed, in other grand-ducal cities) did not play a big role.

In the era of Muscovite Rus', the word “veche” disappears from everyday life. The meeting of members of the community (the world) is now called a secular gathering. Under Ivan the Terrible, secular self-government received official status. In the 1550s Zemstvo huts were created everywhere, headed by zemstvo elders or favorite heads. The sotsky, fifty and zemstvo tselovniks were subordinate to them. (Promising to fulfill their duties honestly and conscientiously, they kissed the cross). All these positions were elective. The most famous zemstvo elder of Nizhny Novgorod was Kozma Minin (elected to this post in September 1611).

In the XVI–XVII centuries. Lower government positions were also elected. The labial huts, led by the provincial headman from local service people, who was assisted by the labial kissers from the peasants, fought with the robbers. It is known that the Murom lip hut (in the neighborhood of Nizhny Novgorod district) was headed for many years by Druzhina Osorin, the son of the locally revered saint Juliania Lazarevskaya (landowner Ulyana Osorina) and the author of her life (XVII century). The collection of indirect taxes and duties was entrusted to loyal heads (for example, customs or tavern heads) and kissers. They were elected by the world (community) of the townspeople. Election to such a position was not a right, but a state duty. When the faithful head and the kissers did not collect the required amount of taxes, they were obliged to cover the shortfall from their own funds. If they could not compensate for the shortfall, then their voters had to do it for them.

All news feeds are filled with news about the Moscow mayoral elections today. The intrigue is known. We decided not to ignore the topic of elections and look back, remembering how attitudes towards elections in Russia have changed over its history.

We wanted the best...

As The Tale of Bygone Years tells us, the first elections in Rus' took place back in the ninth century. “The center of the Russian land”, Veliky Novgorod is their ancestor. Residents of the city gathered in a large square, like a field, and listened to the wise old man, who stood in the center, on a small eminence, and spoke intelligent thoughts. If he said what he liked, the people chanted, shouted loudly, stomped their feet, shouted in approval. If the elder's ideas were not to his liking, the roar of the crowd was disapproving. This is how, not quite civilized by modern standards, but the whole world decided who would reign in Novgorod. At one of the public gatherings in 862, they decided to invite the Varangian Rurik to rule the city. Our ancestors really hoped for him and his brothers - they thought that he would reign in such a way that all civil strife would come to an end. But it didn't work out. Rurik's brothers died, and he became the sole ruler of Novgorod. He ruled authoritarianly and made all the laws himself. In general, democracy did not work out for the residents of ancient Novgorod.

"300 golden belts"

Three centuries later, an attempt to revive elections was made on the same square - Novgorodians loved experiments in politics. The Novgorod principality is now a feudal republic. It is not the common people who rule here, coming out to rallies, but “300 golden belts” - as they would say now, the city elite. The right to be “golden” was inherited in noble families, so a commoner had nothing to dream of such a title. “Belts” from noble boyar families solved all state problems, and they chose from among “their own” the head of the executive branch. As a result, individual boyar families began to rule over individual parts of Novgorod. Where is the need of the people and the state? The common population became increasingly bogged down in countless taxes, corruption and lawlessness flourished

No choice

Although in the previously mentioned eras everything was not prosperous, this trouble was personally chosen. But then a Mongol warrior came to Rus' and began to make decisions himself. The Tatar-Mongol yoke consolidated and centralized the Russian lands. The veche had become a thing of the past - there was no one to choose from. The Russian princes were subjects of the Mongol khans and received from them labels to govern their own lands. The power of the Golden Horde over Russia lasted for two and a half centuries. As a result, we fell behind in all sectors - technological, economic, cultural, political. Well, at least they strengthened their spirit! Faith grew, great power grew out of great oppression. The Battle of Kulikovo broke out, then the liberation of Russian lands - in general, complete catharsis and a reboot, as it is now fashionable to say.

Very nice, King!

By the middle of the 16th century, a model of autocracy was finally formed in Russia. Ivan the Terrible was the first to take the title of Tsar. He ruled unlimitedly, autocratically, like all Russian monarchs. Grozny, of course, convened Zemsky Councils, but this body was advisory. In other words, the king will listen, listen, but still do it his own way. And sometimes he will impale those who are especially talkative and diligently advising.

After the death of Ivan IV, there was no positive dynamics in the electoral history either. In troubled times, False Dmitry I captured Moscow, ruled it anyhow, gave out some dubious orders to his favorites, and himself indulged in debauchery. Afterwards, False Dmitry II - the “Tushino thief” - arrived in time. When the militia of Minin and Pozharsky fought for Moscow, the administration was handled by a temporary governing body - the “Council of the Russian Land”.

In the following centuries, the electoral model was abolished in Rus'. Self-government was observed only at the lower level, “on the ground.” In the 18th century, for example, aristocrats elected leaders of the nobility.

However, attempts at local self-government were made periodically here and there. But all these reforms were short-lived, and often ended tragically. They did not have a great influence on the course of history; today they are remembered only by students cramming for a history exam.

After the revolution of 1905, as many as 4 Dumas were convened in a row. It was then that Russians first understood what an election campaign was. And we also realized that what was promised does not mean what was fulfilled. Alexander Grigoryevich Bulygin was especially distinguished by his inconstancy during this period (he developed, on the instructions of the emperor, projects for a “legislative body of people’s representation”).

In 1717, calls and generous promises about “people's power” were heard left and right, but in reality everything turned out differently. At first, people actually chose their leaders - councils of workers', peasants' and soldiers' deputies were held. However, less than a year passed before people came to power who remained at the helm of the state for seven decades. The paradox is that elections were actively held during this period: the day of expression of the will of the people was declared a non-working day, and fairs with scarce goods and concerts were organized at election centers to attract the electorate. The question is to what extent this public celebration was an “election” in fact - there was no “non-election”, and all candidates and winners were approved in advance by the leadership.

Today Russia is a country where every citizen “has the right to choose” and “has the right to be elected.” In short, our democracy is thriving! We can secretly vote in elections to the State Duma, elect the President of the country and mayors of cities. Today on the agenda is an early election for the mayor of Moscow. The candidates' campaigns are closely monitored by the media, and meetings with voters are held. Based on the current elections, we will be able to understand how (and whether) the attitude towards the electoral system has changed. A significant part of society believes that any elections today are an ordinary farce. The elites will never allow an objectionable person into their ranks. Whether this is true or not, time will tell, and we will follow the ups and downs of the candidates’ election campaigns.