Happy classmates of Dmitry Medvedev. Classmates of Dmitry Medvedev: who left and who remained in power
During his presidency, Dmitry Medvedev managed to dilute the ranks of Putin’s security forces with his own people, who may face resignation if Putin returns to the Kremlin, the media believe.
During his presidency, Medvedev managed to dilute the ranks of “Putin’s” security forces with his proxies, because it is the head of state, and not the head of government, who oversees the security agencies. The positions of one minister, several deputy heads of law enforcement agencies and representatives of the judicial system, as well as some other key positions in the country, were taken by Medvedev’s classmates at the Law Faculty of Leningrad State University. In this regard, experts do not rule out that Vladimir Putin, who returns in March 2012, will correct the personnel decisions of his predecessor, writes RBC daily.
According to the publication, many friends of the current President of the Russian Federation, who graduated with him in 1987 from the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University. Zhdanov, following the development of Medvedev’s career, received important positions in government and business. But the most significant appointments, given the specialization of their classmates, they took in law enforcement and judicial structures.
In addition to the chairman of the Supreme Arbitration Court, Anton Ivanov, the high post of head of the control and audit department of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation was occupied by Konstantin Chuichenko, who previously worked in the KGB and also headed the legal department of OJSC Gazprom. Komsomol member of the Medvedev course Alexander Gutsan became the Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, his wife and classmate Natalya Gutsan heads the Statutory Court of St. Petersburg. The president's classmates Nikolai Egorov and Sergei Esipov also work as deputy prosecutors of the Leningrad region in the prosecutor's office.
Of the people who studied with Dmitry Medvedev in graduate school at the Faculty of Law, the most prominent figure is the former chairman of the Primorsky Territory election commission, Konstantin Aranovsky, who was appointed in 2010 as a judge of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. Another graduate student, Mikhail Krotov, now works as the Presidential Plenipotentiary Representative in the Constitutional Court.
Medvedev also made significant personnel appointments from among his fellow students to two main investigative structures: the Investigative Committee of Russia (ICR, former SKP) and the investigative department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (former Investigative Committee under the Ministry of Internal Affairs). At the end of September 2009, the president appointed Tatyana Gerasimova as first deputy of the Investigative Committee at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. By the same decree, she received the shoulder straps of Major General of Justice. Gerasimova was transferred from the Main Investigation Department of the Main Internal Affairs Directorate for St. Petersburg. In December 2009, again by presidential decree, another classmate of the head of state, Elena Leonenko, became deputy chairman of the UPC.
But the most rapid career leap was made by the ex-deputy head of the Kalininsky District Department of Internal Affairs of St. Petersburg, Valery Kozhokar. In July 2008, he rose from the district level to head of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation for the Central Federal District, and in June 2011, by presidential decree, he was appointed head of the investigation department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs with the status of deputy minister. And the most curious thing is that he replaced Alexei Anichin, who also graduated from the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University, in the key investigative position, only in the same year as Vladimir Putin.
Among the security ministers from among his friends, Medvedev managed to appoint only the head of the Ministry of Justice, Alexander Konovalov. People loyal to him never got into key positions in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB and the Investigative Committee, notes Alexey Makarkin, vice-president of the Center for Political Technologies. “And those Medvedevites who ended up at the level of deputies - they all fit into the existing apparatus: they do not make any statements, do not make any decisions that would diverge from the general logic of the work of these security agencies,” states the political scientist. “Therefore, they have a good chance of staying if Medvedev takes the post of prime minister, as promised.”
However, if Putin considers that he needs to replace some of his people with others, then personnel changes at the top of the security forces will undoubtedly occur: “Then people close to Medvedev who took the first roles under him may lose their positions: Chairman of the Supreme Arbitration Court Anton Ivanov and the head of the Ministry of Justice Alexander Konovalov." “But we should not expect the appointment of unknown new people in their places; the reshuffle will take place within the circle whom Putin has known for a long time and whom he personally trusts,” the expert points out.
The head of the Investigative Committee, Bastrykin, and the Minister of Defense, Anatoly Serdyukov, according to an RBC daily source in the security forces, will remain in their posts even after the “castling” in tandem.
“But the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Rashid Nurgaliev, is very likely to leave his post immediately after the presidential elections,” the source expressed confidence. “There are now heated discussions on the question of who will replace him: at least a dozen candidates are named. But the most likely candidate is most likely , will become someone about whom we now know nothing - this is in Putin’s style.”
Illustration copyright Vladimir Smirnov/TASS Image caption According to FBK, one of the companies controlled by Eliseev owns licenses for two yachts - Princess 85 MY and Princess 32M. Both yachts, according to FBK, were seen moored in Plyos on the shore of the supposed “Medvedev residence”
The head of the Dar and Sotsgosproekt foundations, Ilya Eliseev, whom Alexei Navalny’s FBK considers to actually manage the property of Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, told Kommersant that the mansion on Rublevka transferred to Sotsgosgosproekt by Alisher Usmanov was received as part of the deal.
“With regard to this mansion on Rublyovka, its previous owner, Alisher Usmanov, has already spoken in detail. I can only confirm: both we and, as far as I understand, our partners from the East-Invest group received compensation for the unrealized development project. This is part of our We are engaged in real estate work in order to have the means to fulfill our statutory goals and objectives,” said Medvedev’s classmate at the Law Faculty of Leningrad State University Eliseev in an interview with the Kommersant newspaper, which was published on Friday.
According to Eliseev, the fund intends to go to court with “claims for the protection of business reputation against primary sources and a number of media outlets disseminating false information about Dar and its companies.”
“Every patience has a limit. I see how in my country they try to pass off lies, insults, and political manipulation as the norm of political struggle,” explained Ilya Eliseev.
Earlier, FBK called the transfer of land and a mansion a bribe that billionaire Alisher Usmanov actually gave to Dmitry Medvedev. In response, Usmanov threatened Alexei Navalny with legal action.
Usmanov said in an interview with Vedomosti that in 2010 he transferred the ownership of the Sotsgosproekt foundation to plots with a total area of about 4 hectares in the village of Znamenskoye, Moscow Region, as well as a house as part of a commercial transaction. In exchange, he received land owned by the foundation next to his own plot.
According to Eliseev, the property is now “almost completely mothballed,” and the fund is looking for a buyer for it. “Well, or maybe we will find some other options for its use, including, for example, by converting it into a luxury hotel. It is unnecessary to repeat that no one has ever used this house, since today it is simply not suitable for living,” - Eliseev told the Kommersant newspaper.
FBK investigation
Navalny said that the co-owner of the USM holding, billionaire Alisher Usmanov, donated a house with a plot in the village of Znamenskoye on Rublevskoye Highway to the Fund for Support of Socially Significant State Projects (Sotsgosproekt), which is headed by Medvedev’s classmate.
According to Navalny, this is a huge house, and 4.3 hectares of land in the village of Znamenskoye on Rublyovka, worth about 5 billion rubles, were donated by oligarch Usmanov to the foundation, Navalny noted. - The raw materials oligarch, one of the richest Russian businessmen, donated an unusually expensive estate on Rublyovka to the near-Medvedev foundation. We understand perfectly well what such a gift means: it is a bribe."
In response, Usmanov threatened Navalny that he would sue him for libel. “Navalny is misleading people, and his statements are slander,” the oligarch said, noting that the politician “crossed a red line.”
Illustration copyright EPAThen, in an interview with Vedomosti, Usmanov said that he had transferred the land and house in Znamenskoye to Sotsgosproekt as part of a deal that allowed the oligarch to expand his estate in Uspenskoye. According to Usmanov, Eliseev, whom he knows, said that Sotsgosproekt wants to build five large mansions on the border with the businessman’s plot in Uspenskoye. Usmanov claims that he offered Eliseev to exchange their plot - 12 hectares - for a house with a plot in Znamensky. “The fund gave me a huge plot at a nominal price, and I transferred the plot and house to Sotsgosproekt,” said Usmanov.
Navalny responded by saying that the oligarch “lies like a gray gelding.” The politician claims that the 12-hectare plot on Rublyovka did not belong to the Sotsgosproekt foundation, but Usmanov bought this land.
The land on Rublevka from 2007 to 2010 belonged to the East Invest Group. Its leader, Ilya Gavrilov, told the BBC that the group planned to build five cottages on this site together with Sotsgosproekt. Eliseev said the same thing in an interview with Vedomosti.
“We had verbal agreements with the Sotsgosproekt fund that we would develop this land, but then the fund refused this. And we sold the plot to Usmanov at the cadastral value. And he gave us working capital for other development projects,” - Gavrilov explained, calling Navalny’s accusations nonsense.
"They haven't come up with anything better than an oral deal. Nobody does business that way," Lyubov Sobol, a lawyer at the anti-corruption foundation, told the BBC. "I doubt that it wasn't invented now, on occasion." She believes that Eliseev and Usmanov should provide their evidence to the court. FBK, according to her, relies in its investigation on extracts from Rosreestr.
- Usmanov explained the transfer of the mansion to the foundation of fellow student Medvedev
- Navalny responded to accusations of libel from Usmanov
“It’s strange that it’s not Medvedev himself who speaks. Why is Usmanov acting as his press secretary? It’s obvious that Usmanov is trying to shield Medvedev,” Sobol added.
"Executive residence"
According to FBK, the Cyprus company Furcina Limited is also registered under Ilya Eliseev. This company has a subsidiary, Investment Commonwealth LLC. The company owns licenses for two yachts - Princess 85 MY and Princess 32M, as follows from materials published by the Navalny Foundation. The total cost of these yachts is estimated at $16 million. Both yachts were seen moored in Plyos on the shore of the supposed “Medvedev residence”, which is owned by the Dar Foundation, headed by Eliseev.
In an interview with the Kommersant newspaper, Ilya Eliseev admitted that the Chernev estate in Ples is in fact a “top-level executive residence” in which “in addition to Dmitry Medvedev, other famous people are guests: large businessmen, politicians, prominent public figures.”
“FBK constantly calls this object a dacha. Well, if it’s someone’s dacha, then it’s probably mine. Moreover, unlike the prime minister, I come there regularly due to official needs and, unlike Dmitry Anatolyevich, I don’t pay for my accommodation,” Eliseev said, emphasizing that “neither the chairman of the government nor his family members have ever been and are neither the owners nor other title holders of this property.”
The businessman called the opinion of FBK experts, who consider Eliseev the head of the prime minister’s home office, “complete nonsense.”
“I am not a subordinate of the Prime Minister, his “banker”, “supply manager”, etc. I am completely self-sufficient, independent, I do not need high-ranking patrons. Of course, we know each other very well, we meet whenever possible, happy birthday to each other Congratulations. And although we are not friends with families, I know Dmitry Anatolyevich’s son and wife quite well,” Eliseev answered.
The Novaya Gazeta correspondent tried to figure out what the charitable foundations “Dar”, “Gradislava”, “Sotsgosproekt”, the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund and the Foundation for Socio-Cultural Initiatives are doing - their names are once again heard thanks to recent investigations by “Sobesednik” and Anti-Corruption Foundation, which found that the residences in the Moscow region, Krasnodar region, Ivanovo and Kursk regions, where Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev visits, belong to several organizations that call themselves “charitable foundations” and are run by Medvedev’s classmates. The funds turned out to be secret: only one of the five has a website, two have signs on the building, and one is not located at the registration address at all. Attempts to request reports from these organizations posing as charitable foundations turned out to be similar to a quest.
In search of lost funds
According to the law on NPOs, non-profit organizations are required to submit every year to the Ministry of Justice a report on their activities, the purposes of spending money and using property, and “foreign agents” are also required to submit an audit report. NPOs can get by with a message about the continuation of activities if they have received no more than 3 million rubles in a year, there are no foreigners among the founders and there have been no receipts of funds from abroad.
This means that reports on who the fund received from and how it spent the money should be either on the Ministry of Justice portal or on the website of the fund itself. Large Russian charitable organizations usually publish reports on their websites so that anyone can easily find out where donors' money is going.
Thus, the Gift of Life foundation publishes monthly reports on how much money was received and from whom through the bank, payment systems and mobile application, which medical centers they went to, and what exactly they bought with it. “Rusfond” reports every month which children were paid for operations, medications, medical devices and services, how much it cost, and also lists the donors. Other well-known charities operate in a similar way: transparency of finances allows people to believe that the fund is worth donating money and it will go to a good cause.
But with the funds of Dmitry Medvedev’s acquaintances, it’s a completely different story. There are no reports on the Ministry of Justice website, and their own websites actually do not exist: the websites gradislava.ru, olimpicsports.ru and sgpfund.ru, indicated in the constituent documents, do not work, and the Dar fund website darfond.ru is closed, and when you try to access it requires you to enter your login and password.
"Dar" Foundation. Photo: Vlad Dokshin / Novaya Gazeta
“Dar” is a foundation that owned the “Milovka” estate in Plyos, where Dmitry Medvedev was seen on vacation. We sent a request to the fund, and the secretary girl confirmed by phone that the request had been received. But when the correspondent of Novaya Gazeta went in search of the Dar office, it turned out that at the registration address: 2nd Spasonalivkovsky Lane, building 6, there is a construction site; a residential complex is being built here by the company Codest International S.R.L. " The telephone secretary refused to tell the correspondent the current office address (if there is one), asking that the question be sent in writing.
Other events
The only source of information about how funds associated with Medvedev spend funds is databases like “SPARK”, where, among other things, you can find reports on the intended use of funds. There you can find out, for example, that the Fund for regional non-profit projects “Dar” in 2015 received 1.4 billion rubles in the form of donations, and spent 454.6 million on targeted activities, but this is not social and charitable assistance, conferences or seminars, - 0 rubles were spent on these articles, and all the money went to “other events.” At the same time, 224.7 million were spent on salaries, business trips, maintenance of cars and buildings, and another 574 million were purchased for “fixed assets, inventory and other property.” In 2013, 874.6 million was spent on “other activities.” The report for 2011, however, indicates very large expenses for charitable assistance: more than 1.3 billion rubles.
Unfortunately, from such a report it is impossible to understand what kind of assistance and what “other activities” are meant.
For some years there are no reports at all, and in those that exist, every time by the end of the year, from 6 billion to 8 billion remain unused.
The director of one of the largest Moscow foundations involved in real charity says that these are “giant funds.” According to him, balances of this size can accumulate at the fund when, for example, it is going to build a building, but cannot immediately begin construction because it needs to obtain permits. According to the law on charitable activities, a charitable foundation can use up to 20% of incoming funds for administrative expenses.
You can learn about some of the expenses of the Dar Foundation from the file of arbitration cases. For example, that in 2010, “Dar” paid the Krasnodar company “Ricco-Style” LLC 603 .4 million rubles for the construction of “a non-residential building with a swimming lane at the address: Russian Federation, Ivanovo region, Privolzhsky district, village. Milovka, “The Chernev Estate (“Milovka Estate”),” follows from court documents in which “Dar” demanded to recover an advance from “Ricco-Style” for work that it did not complete—most of the amount paid.
Reports of other funds in the public database also provide scant information, often showing only dashes for all items of income and expenses. For example, about the Gradislava Foundation for the Preservation of Cultural and Historical Heritage, which, as FBK found out, received an estate in Milovka from Dar as a donation, you can only find out that in 2013 it received a profit from some business activity in the amount of 531 thousand rubles and another 749 million from an unnamed source, and they are not classified either as donations or as income.
The Fund for Support of Socially Significant State Projects (“Sotsgosproekt”) received 58 million in donations in 2012, and spent 103.6 million on targeted activities - again, it is not known which ones. In 2013, donations reached 261.8 million, the fund received another 9 million in the form of profit from business activities and 23 million from “other” sources. 204.9 million were spent on “other events” (not charity or conferences). In 2015, Sotsgosproekt received 1 billion and spent 750 million rubles on charitable assistance. But it is absolutely impossible to find out what good deeds this money went to: no traces of the activities of either “Dar” or “Gradislava” could be found. (Read below about the fate of our requests.)
The Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund, the owner of the Psekhako reception house near Sochi, reported in 2015 that it spent 160 million rubles on charitable assistance - and 211 million on the maintenance of the management apparatus, that is, on salaries, rent and other own expenses.
Foundation for Socio-Cultural Initiatives (FSCI). Photo: Vlad Dokshin / Novaya Gazeta Of all the funds associated with Dmitry Medvedev, the Foundation for Socio-Cultural Initiatives (FSCI) is the most open. True, he did not appear in the investigations as the owner of the property, but he is associated with the Dar fund - his subsidiary, the Dar Fund Management Company, was registered at the same address as the FSCI. The Foundation for Social and Cultural Initiatives itself is located not in some business center where dozens of companies rent offices, but in a one-story house of the 19th century, on Bolshaya Ordynka, 70 - to imagine that the organization, where Svetlana Medvedeva is the president, divided It would be difficult to have a small old mansion with some kind of alien organization.
FSCI is the only fund on the list that has a working website. There are descriptions of the foundation’s projects, for example: the national target comprehensive program “Spiritual and moral culture of the younger generation of Russia”, the all-Russian action “Stop HIV/AIDS”, “Academy of Young Opera Performers from Russia at the Monte Carlo Opera”, the “Warm Heart” award , diagnostic centers "White Rose" and others. But there are no reports on the website about from whom the fund received donations, how and what it spent them on.
How to get to the fund?
Novaya's correspondent tried to obtain reports from the funds themselves. The FSKI phone is answered by a girl named Christiana, who refuses to give her position and last name. She says the foundation posts reports “on various other sites,” but is unable to say which ones. Then, after consulting with management, she calls back and says that the reports on the Ministry of Justice website are simply stored for only one year, and they were there, and the report for 2016 will appear only on April 15. However, this is not true: on the portal of the Ministry of Justice you can find reports from non-profit organizations since 2014.
After much arguing, Christiana says that she needs to leave, promises to call back... and disappears. Nevertheless
the foundation sent a parcel to the editor: a folder with brochures about the dangers of HIV, a memorial book about people who showed courage during fires, called “Warm Heart” and another stack of printed materials
according to the programs that the fund lists on its website (thanks for that. — Ed.). Obviously, this is a report on the activities of the FSCI.
At least one tangible FSCI project is the White Rose diagnostic centers, in which women are offered free screening for possible cancer. Judging by the large number of reviews on the Internet, the centers really work; in 2014, the White Rose Foundation reported that it received 90.7 million rubles, spent 303,000 rubles on salaries, and purchased property for 18 million.
Gradislava Foundation. Photo: Vlad Dokshin / Novaya Gazeta The Gradislava Foundation is not very open to communication with the press. The phone number specified during registration belongs personally to General Director Ivan Karabinsky. When talking with a Novaya correspondent, he refused to give an email address or fax, noting: “I can’t identify you as a journalist,” and suggested bringing the request to the office.
At the registration address: Kotelnicheskaya embankment, 25, building 1, there is an office building, there is no Gradislava sign on it. The guard at the checkpoint reports that Ivan Igorevich Karabinsky himself is not sitting here, but Roman Kalistratovich Kostetsky is sitting here. After a call from the security guard, he comes out - a tall man in a jacket with grayish hair. Introduces himself as the deputy director and takes the request.
Sotsgosproekt Foundation. Photo: Vlad Dokshin / Novaya Gazeta A woman answered the call from Novaya’s correspondent at Sotsgosproekt; when asked where you can look at the fund’s reporting and whether there is an official website, she answered: “No, we don’t have a website,” and hung up. Then we tried to convey the request to the office, and it was like Franz Kafka's novel The Castle.
The foundation is registered at the address: Rossolimo street, building 17, building 2, which is the Rossolimo business center. In the lobby of the center there is a list of organizations that are located there, “Sotsgosproekt” is also indicated, along with the telephone number - the same as indicated in the constituent documents: 8 495 287-45-61. However, when the Novaya correspondent called on this phone, introduced himself and asked to accept the request, the woman on the other end of the line said the phrase: “Wrong number”... and hung up.
Then the security guards of the business center tried to call Sotsgosproekt on the same number - to no avail, no one answered. At the same time, the fund’s employees were obviously at their workplace: Novaya’s correspondent contacted the Rossolimo administration, and they reported that right at the time of the conversation they were “in touch” with a representative of Sotsgosproekt. However, after this communication session, the administration employee refused to provide the “correct” phone number and said that the request could be left in the mailbox, after which he hung up. We followed the advice, but the editors never received a response.
Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund. Photo: Vlad Dokshin / Novaya Gazeta The Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund is located in a building on Kadashevskaya embankment, 6/1/2 (the building faces two streets and an embankment, so it has an address with two fractions). The entrance to the offices here is from the yard; you need to go through the gate, which security opens when the bell rings. There are no signs at the entrance. The security guards, having heard from a correspondent that a Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund is required, first spend a long time finding out whether such a fund exists in the building. The driver warming up the car at the porch had not heard of it either. It turns out that there is a fund, and the guards offer to leave a request with them.
We sent requests on March 20 and 21 and are waiting for answers. So far we have only received letters from FSKI, Gradislava and Dar: the organizations thank Novaya Gazeta for their attention to their activities and gently make it clear that they will not provide reports. For example, like this:
“Reporting on the activities of the Fund is submitted to the authorities supervising the activities of non-profit organizations in the manner prescribed by law. We wish the editors of the newspaper new creative successes, good news, reliable and objective materials, balanced assessments, and most importantly, the trust of readers!”
- reads a letter from the Dar Foundation, whose employees sent an answer to Novaya by email in the form of a Word file without a form.
We contacted the Ministry of Justice with a request to provide the funds' reports for the editors' review. The response from the Ministry of Justice reads: “The requirements of the Federal “On Non-Profit Organizations” for the provision of reporting by these non-profit organizations have been met. To familiarize yourself with the reporting, you must contact the specified funds.”
Instead of a report on the activities of FSCI, we received:
- Honorary book “Warm Heart” - 1 copy.
- Illustrated edition “Patrons of family and marriage Saints Peter and Fevronia of Murom” - 1 copy.
- Album of the 2nd All-Russian competition of young performers “Russian Ballet” - 1 copy.
- Brochure for the “Radiant Angel” charity film festival in Moscow - 1 copy.
- Brochure for the “Radiant Angel” charity film festival in Murom - 1 copy.
- Brochure for the “Radiant Angel” charity film festival in Tambov - 1 copy.
- Brochure “Creative schools “Art Workshops”, Sevastopol, 2015 - 1 copy.
- Brochure of the participant of the All-Russian Children's Military-Historical Assembly “Eternal Flame-2016” - 1 copy.
- Invitation to the award ceremony for the laureates of the festival “Grave the Fatherland” in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior on November 10, 2016 - 1 copy.
- Brochure “HIV infection is a global threat” - 2 copies.
- Mini-brochure “5 steps to stop HIV” - copy.
- Brochure “Congratulations! You are pregnant!" — 1 copy.
Updated:
The Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund sent a response to the editor that the Fund is not a charitable organization, so director Sergei Brovchenko considers our demand to provide information on income and expenses “insignificant.”
During the period of the first prime minister's term and the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev, many of his fellow students, who graduated from the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University in 1987, made careers in government agencies and state-owned companies. After Vladimir Putin became president again in 2012, not everyone was able to retain their seats.
Anton Ivanov
Left his position
Ivanov headed the Supreme Arbitration Court before the court was disbanded in the summer of 2014. Now he is the scientific director of the Faculty of Law of the National Research University Higher School of Economics.
Valery Kozhokar
Left his position
Until 2012, Kozhocar served as Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs and Head of the Investigation Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He was then appointed Assistant Secretary of the Interior.
Tatiana Gerasimova
Left my position
Gerasimova served as first deputy head of the investigative department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. In 2012 (when Cojocar was removed from his post as head of the department), she was fired. The media did not report her new place of work.
Arthur Parfenchikov
Remained in position
Parfenchikov has headed the Federal Bailiff Service from 2008 to the present.
Konstantin Chuychenko
Remained in position
Chuychenko has held the position of head of the control department of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation from 2008 to the present.
Nikolay Vinnichenko
Transferred to another department
Vinnichenko was the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Ural Federal District. In 2013, he was appointed Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation. It is worth noting that another classmate of Dmitry Medvedev, Alexander Gutsan, has been the Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation from 2007 to the present.
Ilya Eliseev
Remained in position
Eliseev still holds the post of deputy chairman of the board of Gazprombank.
Valeria Adamova
Left my position
Adamova was appointed as a judge in 2006. First, she became the first deputy chairman of the Moscow Arbitration Court, and in 2009, Anton Ivanov recommended her for the post of chairman of the Federal Arbitration Court of the Moscow District. In April 2015, Adamova's term of office expired. She became the only participant in the competition for the vacancy, but on May 19 she unexpectedly withdrew her candidacy from the competition.
