Maria Grigyan. Timoshenko, Yulia Vladimirovna

Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko (Ukrainian Yulia Volodymyrivna Tymoshenko; birth name Grigyan; before graduating from school she took the name of her mother Telegin). Born on November 27, 1960 in Dnepropetrovsk. Political and statesman of Ukraine, Prime Minister of Ukraine in February-September 2005 and December 2007 - March 2010, Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine for the fuel and energy complex (1999-2001), twice presidential candidate.

The first and so far only woman prime minister in the history of Ukraine, as well as the first woman to hold this post in the CIS countries.

In the 1990s, she was considered one of the richest businessmen in Ukraine, but in 1999 her business was almost completely destroyed by the authorities. Since 2000, she has been known primarily as a politician and statesman.

Head of the All-Ukrainian Association "Batkivshchyna" party. In 2004, Tymoshenko (together with Yushchenko) was the organizer and leader of the Orange Revolution. In Forbes magazine's ranking, she was the third most influential woman in the world in 2005. In the 2010 presidential election, she received 45.47% of the vote (3% less than the winner). In the 2014 presidential elections, she took second place with 12.81% (2,309,812) of the votes.

He advocates the integration of Ukraine into the EU and against participation in the Customs Union, positioning himself as a fighter against corruption. From the beginning of his political activity, he proclaimed the struggle for the removal of oligarchic clans from power in Ukraine.

During the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych, a number of criminal cases were opened against Yulia Tymoshenko.

On August 5, 2011, Tymoshenko was arrested, and on October 11, 2011, she was sentenced to 7 years in prison in the case of abuse of power and official authority when concluding gas contracts with Russia in January 2009.

The Danish Helsinki Committee, observing the trial, came to the conclusion that it was politically motivated and that there were gross violations of the European Convention on Human Rights.

In 2010-2013, the European Parliament adopted six resolutions in which the prosecution of Tymoshenko was called “politically motivated selective justice.” In 2011-2013, the release of Tymoshenko and the end of “politically motivated justice” in Ukraine became one of the main conditions for the EU signing an association agreement with Ukraine.

On April 30, 2013, the European Court of Human Rights decided “that the detention of Ms. Tymoshenko as a preventive measure was arbitrary; that the lawfulness of her detention was not properly assessed and that she had no opportunity to claim compensation for unlawful deprivation of liberty.” A number of human rights activists consider Yulia Tymoshenko a political prisoner.

The same assessment is contained in the official report of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe “On the separation of political and criminal responsibility”, approved by the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights in Strasbourg on April 23, 2013. On February 22, 2014, after the change of power, the Verkhovna Rada released Tymoshenko from prison.

On February 28, 2014, the Kyiv District Court of Kharkov closed the criminal proceedings under the UESU due to the prosecutors’ refusal to charge (due to the lack of corpus delicti). On April 14, 2014, the Supreme Court of Ukraine, during a joint meeting of all chambers, by a decision of 42 out of 48 judges, closed the “gas” case of Yulia Tymoshenko. On June 24, 2014, the full text of this decision was made public, in which the court concluded that there was no crime in this criminal case.

On March 29, 2014, the congress of the VO “Batkivshchyna” nominated Tymoshenko for the early elections of the President of Ukraine, where she took second place with 12.81% (2,309,812) of the votes. The key messages of Yulia Tymoshenko's election campaign were the eradication of corruption, the fight against oligarchs, the European path of development of Ukraine (in particular, the signing of an Association Agreement with the EU), countering “Russian aggression” and restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Biography of Yulia Tymoshenko

Yulia Grigyan was born in Dnepropetrovsk on November 27, 1960 in the family of Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan and Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina. Her father left the family when Yulia was 3 years old.

Father - Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, born on December 3, 1937 in Dnepropetrovsk, nationality - Latvian, during the German occupation of Ukraine (1941-1943) he lived with his mother in Dnepropetrovsk. His mother is Maria Iosifovna Grigyan (b. 1909). His father, Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman (b. 1914), after graduating from Dnepropetrovsk State University in 1940, was sent to work in Western Ukraine (department of public education of the Ivano-Frankivsk region), working only one academic quarter as the director of a public school in the city of Snyatyn. In the fall of 1940, he was mobilized into the army and died at the front on November 8, 1944 with the rank of senior lieutenant of the signal forces. Yulia Tymoshenko's great-grandfather, Kelman Gdalyevich Kapitelman, lived in Kyiv during the Great Patriotic War.

Yulia Tymoshenko's great-grandfather - Joseph Iosifovich Grigyan (nationality - Latvian, according to Tymoshenko herself - Grigyanis, and became Grigyan due to an error by the passport office workers), was born in Riga in 1884, in 1914 he moved to Yekaterinoslav (Dnepropetrovsk), where he worked conductor on the railway (at the Lotsmanka station). He was first arrested in 1937; re-arrested in 1938 and was repressed (for letters from Latvia; the indictment part of the criminal case says: “Grigan, discrediting Soviet power among the workers, praised the good life of the working class in fascist countries: Germany and Poland”); served 10 years in camps from 1938 to 1948; rehabilitated in 1963. His wife is Elena Titovna Grigan (b. 1893), Ukrainian, from the village of Martynovka (Poltava province).

Tymoshenko said about her ethnic origin: “On my father’s side, all Latvians up to the tenth generation, and on my mother’s side, all Ukrainians up to the tenth generation.”

In 1977, Yulia Timoshenko graduated from secondary school No. 75 in Dnepropetrovsk. He still helps the school. Before graduating from school, she took her mother’s surname - Telegina.

In 1978 she entered the Faculty of Automation and Telemechanics of the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute. The following year she married Alexander Timoshenko and gave birth to a daughter in 1980.

In 1981 she transferred to the Faculty of Economics of Dnepropetrovsk State University. In 1984 she graduated from the university with a degree in labor economics and received a diploma as an engineer-economist with honors. In 1999 she defended her PhD thesis at the Kiev National Economic University in the specialty “organization of management, planning and regulation of the economy” on the topic “State regulation of the tax system”. Received a scientific degree of Candidate of Economic Sciences.

In 1984-1988 she worked as an engineer-economist at the Dnieper Machine-Building Plant named after. Lenin (DMZ) in Dnepropetrovsk.

In 1988 (at the beginning of perestroika), Yulia and Alexander Timoshenko borrowed 5,000 rubles and opened a cooperative “video rental point”; They were probably assisted by Gennady Timoshenko (father of Alexander Timoshenko), who headed the “film distribution department” in the Dnepropetrovsk regional council.

In 1989, Yulia and Alexander created the Terminal youth center (under the auspices of the Dnepropetrovsk Regional Komsomol Committee). In 1989-1991, Yulia Timoshenko was the commercial director of this center.

In 1991, together with her husband, she founded the Ukrainian Gasoline corporation. Since 1991 - commercial, then general director of the joint venture "Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation" (KUB). In 1995-1996, she headed the Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) corporation, created on the basis of KUB.

The peak of UESU activity was reached in 1996-1997. There are statements on the Internet about the annual turnover of UESU at 11 billion dollars, but this is an incredible figure, since the price of gas in those years was low (about 30 dollars per 1 thousand cubic meters) and to achieve such an amount a batch would have been needed 366 billion cubic meters. In reality, gas supplies through the UESU were ten times smaller, because in those years Ukraine purchased about 60 billion cubic meters of gas from Russia. per year (in 2013 - 26 billion cubic meters; according to plans for 2014 - 18 billion cubic meters).

January 16, 1997 - May 12, 1998 - People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of the 2nd convocation). Elected in Bobrinetsky constituency No. 229, Kirovograd region. At that time, 92.3% of voters voted for Tymoshenko.

May 12, 1998 - March 2, 2000 - People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of the 3rd convocation). Elected in constituency No. 99 of the Kirovograd region. Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Committee on Budget Issues. In this position, he initiates budget reform, develops the first Budget Code of Ukraine, adopted in 2001, draft Tax and Social Codes, Pension Reform, and social programs. In March 1999, she organized the Batkivshchyna parliamentary faction. She was one of the founders of the political party All-Ukrainian Association “Batkivshchyna”, created in July 1999. On December 18 of the same year, she was elected chairman of the party.

On December 30, 1999, she was appointed Deputy Prime Minister for the Heat and Power Complex in the government of Viktor Yushchenko. In this position, Tymoshenko streamlined affairs in the fuel and energy complex and mobilized significant sums into the state budget. These actions caused resistance from the team of President Leonid Kuchma, and in August 2000, the husband of Yu. Tymoshenko was arrested (“UESU case of 1995-1997”).

On February 9, 2001, on the initiative of Tymoshenko, the National Salvation Forum (NSF) was created - a socio-political association in opposition to the Kuchma regime. On January 19, 2001, Tymoshenko was relieved of her post, and on February 13 she was arrested for the fact that, when she was the head of the UESU in 1995-1997, she carried out “smuggling of Russian gas to Ukraine” and for non-payment of taxes. But on March 27, 2001, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv canceled the arrest warrant for Tymoshenko, recognizing the charges brought against her as unfounded, and she was released after serving 42 days in a pre-trial detention center.

On August 9, 2001, by decision of the Kiev-Svyatoshinsky Court of the Kyiv Region, Alexander Timoshenko was released from custody. On April 30, 2002, the Kiev-Svyatoshinsky court closed the criminal cases brought against Yulia and Alexander Tymoshenko, declaring them illegal. On April 9, 2003, this decision was confirmed by the Kyiv Court of Appeal. In September 2004, Tymoshenko filed a lawsuit against the actions of the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine, demanding that all cases regarding the UESU be finally closed.

On September 5-7, 2001, during the Economic Forum in Krinitsa (Poland), Yulia Tymoshenko represented Ukraine in the list of contenders for the title “Person of the Year of Central-Eastern Europe” (the only woman among the contenders).

In November 2001, on the basis of the National Salvation Forum, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) was created.

On March 31, 2002, in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc received 7.26% of the votes. The BYuT faction in the Verkhovna Rada included 24 deputies.

In September 2002, together with other opposition leaders, he led the “Rise Up, Ukraine!” action. against the regime of Leonid Kuchma. As part of the campaign, she carried out a tour of many cities in Ukraine.

During 2003 - the first half of 2004, negotiations continued between the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the Our Ukraine Bloc and the Socialist Party on creating a coalition and nominating a single candidate for the post of President of Ukraine. Yulia Tymoshenko refused to run in the elections in favor of Viktor Yushchenko.

On July 2, 2004, Yulia Tymoshenko, on behalf of BYuT, signed with V. Yushchenko the “Agreement on the creation of the “Power of the People” coalition”, created in support of Viktor Yushchenko in the presidential elections, which provided for the opportunity for Tymoshenko to head the future government.

On July 3, 2004, the presidential campaign began. During the election campaign, Yushchenko usually paid more attention to the topic of patriotism, and Tymoshenko more often spoke on the topic of “the fight against the oligarchs, in order to improve the lives of the people, small and medium-sized businesses.” Tymoshenko also had influence on the “patriotic voter,” in particular due to the fact that BYuT included prominent national patriots and dissidents (in particular S. Khmara and L. Lukyanenko).

On the eve of the second round of elections, Tymoshenko called on opposition supporters to gather on the Independence Square in Kyiv on November 21-22 to defend the results of their expression of will. On November 21, 2004, when it became known that the elections were rigged, she called for a strike. Tymoshenko became one of the leaders of mass protests against the falsification of the presidential elections, which were called the “Orange Revolution”.

Tymoshenko actively took part in the Orange Revolution as the second leader after Viktor Yushchenko. Agreements between members of the “Power of the People” coalition (Our Ukraine Bloc and BYuT) included V. Yushchenko’s promise to appoint Y. Tymoshenko as Prime Minister if he wins the presidential election .

Tymoshenko was one of the leaders of the Committee of National Salvation - "the people's body for the defense of the Constitution of Ukraine" - created on November 25, 2004. On December 26, 2004, as a result of repeated voting in the second round of the presidential elections in Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko won with a result of 51.99% of the votes. supported by 44.2% of voters.

In June 2004, before the start of the presidential elections in Ukraine, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia put Tymoshenko on the international wanted list on charges of “giving a bribe to high-ranking officials of the Russian Ministry of Defense in order to conclude a contract for the supply of construction materials at clearly inflated prices.” In Ukraine, the case against Tymoshenko was closed shortly after the victory of the Orange Revolution, and the criminal case of the Russian prosecutor's office was closed in December 2005 due to the expiration of the statute of limitations.

At the end of January 2005, two days after the appointment of Tymoshenko and... O. Prime Minister, Prosecutor General of Russia Ustinov said that if Tymoshenko comes to Russia, she will be arrested. However, on February 15, after the Verkhovna Rada confirmed Tymoshenko in office, Prosecutor General Ustinov said that “there will be no problems if she wants to come to Moscow,” but the criminal case was not closed. “The possibility of Tymoshenko’s arrival and the continuation of the criminal investigation against her are in no way connected with each other, the investigation will continue,” Ustinov noted then.

On March 19, the President of Russia visited Kyiv. In particular, Vladimir Putin met with Yulia Tymoshenko for the first time. Their negotiations were successful - Yulia Tymoshenko stated that there were no unsolvable problems between Ukraine and Russia. She assured the guest of her readiness to support all Russian initiatives discussed during the visit, except for the creation of the Common Economic Space.

On April 4, 2005, while President Viktor Yushchenko was leaving for a visit to the United States, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that she had received an invitation to make a working visit to Russia, where she planned to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov, as well as with representatives Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. The agreed date for the visit was April 14-15.

But on April 11, Prosecutor General Ustinov made a statement that the case against Tymoshenko had not been closed: “She is still wanted.” True, he immediately added that the visit “will be carried out in accordance with protocol and international standards.”

On April 13 it became known that the visit was postponed. President Yushchenko, in a televised speech on April 13, asked the Prime Minister to refrain from traveling abroad “due to the need to organize a large volume of spring field work in a short time, as well as urgently resolve problems in the oil products market.” Also, the Minister of Economy of Ukraine, Sergei Terekhin, said: “When such statements by the prosecutor are made before the prime minister’s first visit to Russia, this is an international scandal.”

On April 20, it was announced that the Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, would visit Moscow instead of Tymoshenko.

After all, Yulia Tymoshenko visited Russia only after leaving the post of prime minister, in September 2005. In Moscow, she met with representatives of the Prosecutor General's Office, answered their questions and, according to Tymoshenko, all charges against her were dropped. The Main Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia announced only on December 26, 2005 that the criminal case against Yulia Tymoshenko in Russia was terminated due to the expiration of the statute of limitations. However, Yulia Tymoshenko's lawyer suggests that in order to close the unpromising case, prosecutors obviously had to reclassify him.

On January 24, 2005, she was appointed acting. O. Prime Minister of Ukraine. On February 4, 2005, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine approved Yulia Tymoshenko as Prime Minister of the country - 375 votes in favor (out of 450). Even within the framework of the Agreements on the “Power of the People” coalition, Tymoshenko was destined for the post of Prime Minister. When explaining this appointment, V. Yushchenko said “And, perhaps, the most important thing... There are great hopes among the public: the president is Yushchenko, the prime minister is Yulia Tymoshenko.”

It is worth noting that in this Cabinet Tymoshenko did not have a single minister from BYuT, except Tymoshenko herself (only the position of head of the SBU was taken by A. Turchynov); Yushchenko also did not appoint a single governor from BYuT. However, almost all the ministers of Tymoshenko’s first Cabinet supported her in subsequent confrontations with Yushchenko.

The main points that characterized the internal economic activities of the Cabinet of Ministers of Yulia Tymoshenko were:

Increase in salaries, pensions, scholarships - one and a half to two times (in September 2005 compared to June 2004);
- fulfilling the election promises of President V. Yushchenko, the government in 2005 increased the size of the lump sum benefit for the birth of a child 12 times (before January 1, 2004 - 320 UAH; after January 1, 2004 - 684 UAH; 1.4.2005 - 8497.6 UAH .; 1.1.2008 - 12,240 UAH for the first child, 25,000 UAH for the second, 50,000 UAH for the third);
- the “Smuggling - Stop” campaign and bringing the “oligarchic business” out of the shadows. At the same time, these “actions to suppress smuggling” affected some medium-sized businesses;
- statements about the need for mass reprivatization of 3,000 enterprises. As a result, control was returned to the state only over the largest iron and steel plant, Krivorozhstal (which was resold in October 2005 for six times more, that is, almost 4 billion dollars more. At the same time, for the period 1991-2004, “receipts from privatization in Ukraine” amounted to only “about 8.5 billion dollars”). On June 16, 2005, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Vladimir Lytvyn and Yulia Tymoshenko signed a memorandum on guarantees of property rights and ensuring the rule of law in their implementation; after signing the document, Viktor Yushchenko said that “the Ukrainian authorities have put an end to the discussion on problematic issues of privatization” - they say that there will be no reprivatization, since there are no funds in the budget for this;
- in April-May 2005, the so-called “gasoline crisis” and “sugar crisis” passed, when prices for sugar and gasoline rose by 30%-50% in 2-3 weeks. These “crises” had signs of a “cartel agreement.” The Tymoshenko government returned prices to previous levels a month later (acting mainly by market methods - “commodity interventions”). However, during the “gasoline crisis”, Yushchenko at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council sharply criticized Tymoshenko for “pressure on gasoline wholesalers.”

In the summer of 2005, reports appeared in the press that in the fall of 2005, Tymoshenko’s cabinet would be dismissed, and Poroshenko would take the post of prime minister.

On August 24, on Ukraine's Independence Day, in a speech on Maidan, President Yushchenko called Tymoshenko's Cabinet the best. However, on September 8, 2005, two weeks after the demonstrative resignation of A. Zinchenko from his post, who accused Poroshenko of “corruption and conspiracy,” Viktor Yushchenko dismissed the government of Yulia Tymoshenko due to conflicts within the executive branch of government. At the same time, Yushchenko fired NSDC Secretary Poroshenko, who was at the epicenter of a corruption scandal, and approved the resignation of Secretary of State Oleksandr Zinchenko. According to Tymoshenko, Yushchenko dismissed her under the influence of his entourage, “to divert attention from accusations of corruption by his entourage,” and also because her rating exceeded the popularity of the President.

It is characteristic that even B. Berezovsky did not support Yushchenko on the issue of the resignation of Tymoshenko’s Cabinet: “Remember, they said that this is a “revolution of millionaires against billionaires,” the bad millionaire is the one who does not dream of becoming a billionaire, but as soon as they gained power, They began what is called dividing what they had captured. Tymoshenko, of course, got in the way.” At the same time, Berezovsky spoke positively about the activities of ex-Prime Minister Tymoshenko: “Her work as prime minister was very worthy.”

Also, public opinion in Ukraine condemned Poroshenko and Yushchenko. This condemnation manifested itself in the parliamentary elections in March 2006, in which for the first time BYuT surpassed Our Ukraine: the opposition BYuT received 129 parliamentary seats, and the presidential Our Ukraine - 81 (although in the previous parliamentary elections in 2002, 22 deputies were elected from BYuT , and from “Our Ukraine” - 112).

The GDP growth rate under this Tymoshenko government was slightly higher than in the European Union, although significantly lower than in Russia.

Back in 2000, as Deputy Prime Minister for the Fuel and Energy Complex in the Yushchenko government, Tymoshenko announced the need to limit the power of the oligarchs in Ukraine. In February 2005, Prime Minister Tymoshenko said that Ukraine's national wealth had been privatized for next to nothing through corruption schemes, and therefore the legality of privatization of three thousand enterprises should be checked. In this direction, the Cabinet of Ministers took the following steps: the reprivatization of the largest metallurgical plant in Ukraine, Krivorozhstal, was carried out (privatization was carried out in 2004, without a competition, by the companies of Akhmetov and Pinchuk) - in October 2005, at an open competition, this enterprise was resold in six times more expensive, the difference between the privatizations of Krivorozhstal in 2004 and 2005 amounted to $4 billion.

Tymoshenko and her BYuT bloc did not allow the adoption of laws aimed at the privatization of agricultural lands in Ukraine by large capital. Tymoshenko opposed the sale of Ukrainian agricultural land to both domestic and foreign oligarchs, thereby seeking to promote the development of medium and small businesses. The Ukrainian state resumed control over Kyiv Arsenal, Kharkov Turboatom (a monopolist in the production of turbines for nuclear power plants) and a number of others. Tymoshenko did not allow the privatization of such strategic enterprises as Ukrtelecom and Odessa Port Plant.

All these events around the privatization of land, shelf and strategic enterprises had a huge impact on the political life of Ukraine and led to Tymoshenko’s political break not only with the Yanukovych team, but also with President Yushchenko.

Simultaneously with her resignation from the post of head of government, Yulia Tymoshenko was recognized as the Person of the Year of Central and Eastern Europe “for her outstanding and most significant positive contribution to the political and socio-economic development of the region and for her achievements in her country in 2004-2005.” This decision was made at the XV International Economic Forum in the Polish city of Krynica Górska.

In April-May 2005, the so-called “gasoline and sugar crises” took place (price rise, in March - 10% for gasoline; in May for sugar - 50%), both crises had signs of cartel collusion and were investigated by the Antimonopoly Committee, which needed almost year to find the culprits. The largest sugar producers were accused and fined of conspiracy: Ukrainian Food Company of Igor Surkis and Valentin Zgursky - UAH 6 million, Agroprodinvest of Petro Poroshenko and Sugar Union LLC of the Ukrros group. Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko called the “sugar crisis” “a crisis in the name of the Poroshenko family and the sugar business.” “Oil products, as if by a wave of a magic wand, appeared at many gas stations almost during the conversation between the oil oligarchs and Yushchenko. Which once again confirms: Tymoshenko was right when she spoke about a conspiracy in the market... Eliminating duties on gasoline and diesel fuel, reducing the maximum level of excise tax - all these actions of Prime Minister Tymoshenko made it possible to get out of the fuel chaos within a week, maximum two,” noted Igor Lutsenko.

Tymoshenko’s Cabinet eliminated each “crisis” within a month by canceling duties on gasoline and commodity interventions (in particular, cane sugar was imported). However, President Yushchenko at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council sharply criticized Tymoshenko for putting pressure on gasoline wholesalers: Yushchenko told her “that in this case she can write a letter of resignation and go together with the SDPU (o) and Regions to blow the pipes and beat the drums "

This was the first case of public contradictions between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko.

In mid-May 2005, a conflict arose over the “Kinakh list” (a list of enterprises for reprivatization) - First Deputy Prime Minister Kinakh prepared this list on behalf of Viktor Yushchenko without consultation with the prime minister. Yulia Tymoshenko spoke out as an opponent of selective reprivatization and in favor of the adoption of the Law on Reprivatization with fixed criteria.

Soon, Yushchenko accused the government of seriously lagging behind the schedule, which would have ensured Ukraine's accession to the WTO in 2005. In his opinion, Tymoshenko introduced too many restrictions in several sectors of the Ukrainian economy, which created new obstacles to joining the WTO.

After the resignation of Yulia Tymoshenko's government, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, in an interview with the Associated Press on September 13, 2005, accused Tymoshenko of using the position of prime minister to write off the debts of her former company UESU to the state budget in the amount of 8 billion hryvnia. Yushchenko's statement had no continuation, although he, as president, had the opportunity to influence the Security Service of Ukraine and the Prosecutor General's Office. Tymoshenko herself chose not to respond to the accusations, but stated that Yushchenko was using the same methods against her that the Kuchma administration had previously used.

Attempts at serious investigations in a number of Ukrainian media showed that the amount of the disputed amount ranges from 5.2 billion to 8 billion hryvnia, and the amount itself is not a debt, but is penalties calculated by the KRU against UESU based on the results of 3 inspections.

Petro Poroshenko applied for the post of prime minister in the new government. On February 8, 2005, he was appointed to the post of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. Poroshenko said that “the scope of the National Security and Defense Council includes all issues of the Cabinet of Ministers.” Yushchenko later stated that the National Security and Defense Council should become “the only place where all strategic decisions will be made.” In fact, Yushchenko and Poroshenko began to create a system of duplication of the Cabinet of Ministers from the National Security and Defense Council.

On March 29, 2005, Viktor Yushchenko publicly admitted that there was a conflict in his team between Yulia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko and that he was “trying to resolve these differences.”

Already on April 14, the head of the Zhytomyr regional organization of Yulia Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna party, Oleg Antipov, said that Tymoshenko told him that she would probably be removed from her post as head of the cabinet in May or September. Later, her prediction came true.

In April, after publications in the press, Tymoshenko said: “It is quite obvious that in Ukraine there are certain circles that are simply raving about such a development of events. However, their dreams have no chance of coming true.” Viktor Yushchenko also denied information about the possibility of Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko's resignation. “This is just nonsense,” Yushchenko said. - “Yulia Vladimirovna will work for a long time and live long. God forbid that there should be any suspicions there.”

In July 2005, the American magazine Forbes, ranking the 100 most influential women in the world, named Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko as the third most influential woman on the planet.

On September 26, 2005, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation stopped the international search for Yulia Tymoshenko and canceled the decision on the preventive measure in the form of detention in the case initiated in 2001 on charges of bribing officials of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation in 1996, when Tymoshenko headed the UESU. On December 26, 2005, the case was closed due to the statute of limitations.

On November 11, 2005, the Supreme Court of Ukraine, at a joint meeting of the Trial Chamber for Criminal Cases and the Military Judicial Collegium, overturned all criminal cases that had been opened against Yulia Tymoshenko, her family members and supporters.

On March 26, 2006, in the parliamentary elections, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc received 22.27% of the votes, losing only to the Party of Regions and coming out on top in 14 regions. As a result of the elections, the supposed “orange” coalition (BYuT, Our Ukraine, SPU) received 243 seats in the Verkhovna Rada, that is, a confident majority (the Party of Regions received 186 seats). However, the so-called “coalition of 2006” began - negotiations between BYuT, Our Ukraine and the SPU on creating a coalition lasted more than four months.

There is an assumption that the stumbling block in the creation of the “coalition of democratic forces” again became the position for Poroshenko. Since the position of prime minister was already unrealistic for him, on May 27, 2006, members of the Our Ukraine bloc faction decided to nominate Poroshenko for the position of chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. A. Moroz spoke out against this decision. But on June 22, 2006, a coalition agreement was nevertheless signed on the creation of the “Democratic Coalition”, according to which Tymoshenko became prime minister, and Poroshenko was destined for the post of chairman of the Verkhovna Rada.

However, the leader of the SPU A. Moroz (who had already held this position in the 1990s) applied for the post of Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. He indignantly stated that Poroshenko discredited himself in 2005. In the end, Moroz came to an agreement with the Party of Regions and on July 6, 2006 Moroz was elected chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, and on July 7 the creation of the Anti-Crisis Coalition was officially announced (it included the Party of Regions, the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Socialist Party of Ukraine), and Our Ukraine "joined informally on August 4, 2006 - the second government of Yanukovych included 8 ministers from Our Ukraine. This coalition invited President Yushchenko to submit Yanukovych’s candidacy for the post of Prime Minister to the Verkhovna Rada.

WikiLeaks on the true motives of the “2006 coalition”:

Because of the 2006 coalition, Tymoshenko did not receive the post of prime minister. To an outside observer, the “2006 coalition” seemed absurd - for three months, television news broadcasts daily discussed new insignificant demands from Our Ukraine to BYuT and SPU without any progress towards creating a coalition.

Political scientists made assumptions that the “coalition” only concealed the alliance of Yushchenko and Yanukovych against Tymoshenko. Indeed, the business wing of Our Ukraine had close contacts with the Party of Regions. Throughout 2005-2010, Tymoshenko repeatedly spoke out against the private company RosUkrEnergo, which was the main intermediary in the trade of “Russian natural gas” in Ukraine. Tymoshenko sought to ensure that natural gas trade between Ukraine and Russia was carried out only by state-owned companies Gazprom and Naftogaz of Ukraine. In this she was supported by Prime Minister Putin and not supported by President Yushchenko, who consistently defended RosUkrEnergo, since the “Ukrainian part of the company” belonged to Yushchenko’s friend Firtash and representatives of the Party of Regions Boyko and Lyovochkin.

The second issue was the issue of transferring the shelf of the Black and Azov Seas for a long-term lease to the Venko company. Firtash and Regional Akhmetov again stood behind Venko. It should be noted that it was in April 2006 that the same resolution on shelf leasing for the Venco company was approved by the votes of PR and NU, that is, PR and NU perfectly found a common language on such an important issue during the coalition. It was these most confrontational issues that clashed the interests of the state of Ukraine and the private companies RosUkrEnergo and Venko.

However, until now, the 2006 coalition and the “Yushchenko-Yanukovych Universal” looked as if Yushchenko was forced into an alliance with the PR by force of insurmountable circumstances and the position of Moroz. But in December 2010, the WikiLeaks website published secret reports from the US Ambassador to Ukraine, which stated that on March 22, 2006 (that is, 4 days before voting day in the 2006 elections), Defense Minister Gritsenko (who was part of Yushchenko’s inner circle) met with the ambassador USA for an important conversation. Gritsenko told the ambassador that last week he had held negotiations with R. Akhmetov (whom the ambassador called “the godfather of the Party of Regions”) about the attitude of the Party of Regions to NATO. Gritsenko persistently convinced the ambassador that:

1) a coalition of “Our Ukraine” and the “Party of Regions” is quite possible;
2) in such a coalition, the Party of Regions will not seek to revise Yushchenko’s plans for Ukraine’s entry into NATO (provided that Gritsenko retains the post of Minister of Defense).

The result of the “2006 coalition” and “Universal” was precisely the union of PR and NU, and Gritsenko remained in the post of Minister of Defense (in total, there were 8 ministers from NU in Yanukovych’s Cabinet). Thus, Wikileaks materials say that the delays in the “2006 coalition” took place quite deliberately and achieved the planned goals.

In October-December 2006, almost all ministers from Our Ukraine were fired from Yanukovych’s cabinet. Since December 2006, Yulia Tymoshenko and Yuriy Lutsenko have held rallies throughout Ukraine, calling for the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada.

In February 2007, the ruling “anti-crisis coalition” began to expand with defector deputies from the Our Ukraine and BYuT factions. If this process continues, the parliamentary coalition could receive a constitutional majority of 300 votes, which would allow it to override the presidential veto, and President Yushchenko could not allow this, but he took a wait-and-see approach.

February 28 - March 2, 2007 Yulia Tymoshenko was on a visit to the United States. It took place three months after Prime Minister Yanukovych visited the United States. The main purpose of the visit was to convey to the American leadership (Tymoshenko met with Vice President Dick Cheney; Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Presidential National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley) “the main problem in Ukrainian politics”: Yanukovych’s actions to unconstitutionally expand the ruling coalition could lead to the actual removal of Yushchenko from power. The way out of this situation, in her opinion, should be: the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and early parliamentary elections. In addition to meeting with senior members of the Bush administration, Yulia Tymoshenko spoke at the Kennedy Center for Strategic Studies and the National Press Club, and received an award from the influential non-governmental organization Conservative Political Action Conference for her “contribution to the development of democracy.”

On March 31, 2007, a rally of thousands took place in Kyiv, the leaders of which were Yu. Timoshenko, V. Kirilenko and Yu. Lutsenko. There were calls for President Yushchenko to dissolve the Verkhovna Rada and call re-elections.

On April 2, 2007, Viktor Yushchenko signed a decree “On the early termination of the powers of the Verkhovna Rada” and scheduled early elections of people’s deputies for May 27, 2007. On the side of the president there was a united opposition, which included: the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the Our Ukraine bloc of political parties and the People's Self-Defense social movement of Yuriy Lutsenko.

To ensure the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada, deputies of the BYuT factions (including Yulia Tymoshenko) and Our Ukraine filed statements of resignation from the factions on May 31-June 1, 2007, and on June 2, the congresses of the BYuT and Our Ukraine decided to terminate their powers in accordance with 129 and 66 people's deputies, which, according to the Constitution, made the Verkhovna Rada incompetent. This became another reason for the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and holding early parliamentary elections. Parliamentary elections in Ukraine (2007) were held on September 30, 2007. In them, BYuT took second place, receiving 30.71% of the votes and 156 seats in parliament, thus increasing its representation by 27 parliamentary seats. The majority of 227 deputies formed the factions of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and the Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense Bloc.

Based on the results of the Verkhovna Rada elections on November 29, 2007, a ruling coalition of the BYuT and NUNS factions was created; these factions numbered 229 deputies. On December 4, 2007, the coalition of BYuT and NUNS nominated Yulia Tymoshenko for the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine. On December 18, 2007, the ruling coalition approved Yulia Tymoshenko as head of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (226 votes in a roll-call vote; on the second attempt, after her unsuccessful vote on December 11).

On January 16, 2008, Tymoshenko’s Cabinet approved the draft government program “Ukrainian Breakthrough: for the people, not for politicians” and submitted it to the Verkhovna Rada for consideration. The program basically repeated the BYuT election program: it provided for an increase in salaries and pensions, industrial development, and an intensified fight against corruption.

Fulfilling its election promise, on January 11, 2008, Tymoshenko’s Cabinet began payments to depositors of Sberbank of the USSR - each depositor was paid a thousand hryvnia at the rate of 1 hryvnia for 1 Soviet ruble.

During the Russian-Georgian military conflict in August 2008, Prime Minister Tymoshenko took a balanced position (in contrast to the statements of Yushchenko, who soon visited Tbilisi). Tymoshenko limited herself to calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities. In response to this, officials from the Secretariat of President Viktor Yushchenko accused her of “treason to the Motherland.” Commenting on this accusation, Tymoshenko said that “it is necessary to hire a carpenter and change the sign on the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine to ‘Ward number six’.”

Yulia Tymoshenko's second premiership occurred during the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, which posed numerous unusual challenges for the government. On the other hand, the situation was complicated by the confrontation with the President, who actively interfered in the work of the Cabinet of Ministers. Yushchenko's representatives constituted the majority in the government.

On September 16, 2008, the NUNS faction left the ruling coalition and the collapse of the coalition with BYuT was officially announced. However, having failed to recreate the coalition, on October 8, 2008, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko announced the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada; the decree set the date of early parliamentary elections as December 7, 2008. Two days later, on October 10, BYuT prepared all the documents for a judicial appeal against the decision of the President of Ukraine on early parliamentary elections.

And already on October 10, 2008, the District Administrative Court of Kyiv suspended the decree of the President of Ukraine on the early termination of the powers of the Verkhovna Rada. The political crisis ended with the election of Vladimir Lytvyn to the position of speaker on December 8, 2008. The next day, Vladimir Lytvyn announced the restoration of the democratic coalition, which now also included the Lytvyn Bloc. The coalition agreement was signed by 226 deputies - Tymoshenko’s Cabinet continued its work.

On December 18, 2008, Tymoshenko for the first time accused the National Bank of deliberately manipulating the hryvnia, and President Yushchenko of colluding with the leadership of the NBU, which led to the fall of the national currency to the level of 8 UAH per US dollar. On February 25, 2009, the prime minister again accused the NBU leadership of continuing to deliberately manipulate the hryvnia exchange rate.

On July 11, 2008 and February 5, 2009, the Verkhovna Rada twice did not support the initiative of the Party of Regions to no-confide in the Tymoshenko government.

On June 7, 2009, BYuT leader Yulia Tymoshenko began negotiations with Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions on amending the Constitution of Ukraine (300 votes are required to make changes) and on a "broad coalition" with the Party of Regions. These changes were supposed to reduce the powers of President Yushchenko; however, Viktor Yanukovych at a decisive moment announced his withdrawal from the negotiation process (the parties did not trust each other, politicians and the press were also extremely skeptical about the possibility of such cooperation). Nevertheless, these negotiations still yielded results - President Yushchenko did not try to dismiss Tymoshenko’s Cabinet until the end of 2009.

In September 2009, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv banned “any publication of unfair advertising” about the activities of the head of government and the use of Tymoshenko’s election campaign slogan “She works.”

As a result of the global economic crisis in 2008, Ukraine experienced: an increase in external debt from 12.31% of GDP in 2007 to 35.38% in 2009; in 2008, the hryvnia devalued by 60%; in 2009, Ukraine's GDP decreased by 14.8%; in 2008 and 2009, inflation in Ukraine was 25.2% and 15.9%, respectively.

A new gas conflict between Ukraine and Russia was led by the absence of a contract for the supply of gas to Ukraine in 2009 and the debt of the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo to the Russian side in the amount of $2400000000 (in particular, RosUkrEnergo did not pay for 11200000000 cubic meters of gas pumped into the Ukrainian gas storage).

Yulia Tymoshenko demanded that RosUkrEnergo be removed from the gas market and switch to direct contracts with the Russian Federation. During 2005-2010, Tymoshenko repeatedly spoke out against the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo, which was consistently defended by Yushchenko (the Ukrainian part of the company belonged mainly to Yushchenko’s friend Dmitry Firtash (45%)). On the Russian side, the owner of 50% of the shares of RosUkrEnergo was the state company Gazprom. Ukraine began buying gas from Russia through RosUkrEnergo in 2006 under the Yanukovych government. There is reason to believe that this company is connected with the famous crime boss Semyon Mogilevich, who is considered the real force behind billionaire Firtash. The gas that Ukraine imported through RosUkrEnergo was used primarily for the needs of large enterprises owned by oligarchs.

On October 2, 2008, Tymoshenko signed a Memorandum with Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Putin, which provided for the elimination of intermediaries in gas trade between Ukraine and Russia and determined in detail the terms of future gas contracts for the coming years. Soon, in order to ensure the agreements recorded in the Memorandum, NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine and OJSC Gazprom signed an agreement on the principles of long-term cooperation in the gas sector. The parties, in particular, agreed to sign long-term contracts for gas supplies and transit on November 1, 2008 and to transition within three years to “market, economically justified and mutually agreed upon prices” for gas for Ukrainian consumers. However, the signing of contracts, scheduled for December 31, 2008, was disrupted. Chairman of the Board of Gazprom Alexey Miller said that negotiations between Gazprom and Naftogaz of Ukraine were disrupted by the RosUkrEnergo company: “At the end of December, the prime ministers of Russia and Ukraine came to an agreement, and our companies were ready to agree on a gas price of $235 per 1000 cubic meters m. subject to joint export operations from the territory of Ukraine. RosUkrEnergo then offered to buy gas for Ukraine at a price of $285.”

On December 31, President Yushchenko, having ordered the head of Naftogaz of Ukraine Oleg Dubina not to sign agreements with Gazprom and to stop negotiations, recalled the Naftogaz delegation from Moscow. This dramatically aggravated the situation. The RosUkrEnergo company, acting, in particular, through the secretariat of President Yushchenko, managed to disrupt the signing of gas contracts, which was scheduled for December 31, 2008.

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin spoke out in favor of eliminating the gas intermediary and at the same time noted that part of the Ukrainian establishment was preventing this.

Yulia Tymoshenko stated on January 14, 2009: “Negotiations that progressed successfully, starting from October 2, 2008, on providing Ukraine with natural gas at a price of 235 dollars for Ukrainian consumers and transit in the range of 1.7-1.8 - these negotiations were disrupted the fact that, unfortunately, Ukrainian politicians tried to save “RosUkrEnergo as a shadow corrupt intermediary... Negotiations between the two prime ministers, and then between NJSC Naftogaz and Gazprom, were destroyed by those political forces in Ukraine that received and plan to receive corruption benefits from the work of RosUkrEnergo.”

From 9:00 on January 1, 2009, Gazprom completely stopped gas supplies to Ukraine. On January 4, 2009, the Russian monopolist offered to supply gas to Ukraine in January at a price of $450 per 1 thousand cubic meters. Teplokomunenergo enterprises worked at the limit of their capabilities, and there was a threat of collapse of the entire Ukrainian housing and communal services system. At the same time, a reduction in gas supplies to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe began. On January 7, Russia completely stopped gas transit through Ukraine. The European Union issued a number of statements in which it demanded that Russia and Ukraine immediately resolve the conflict and resume gas supplies to EU countries.

On January 17, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said that part of the Ukrainian delegation at the negotiations defends the need to retain the mediator, citing “instructions received from above.”

On January 18, 2009, as a result of lengthy negotiations, Prime Ministers Putin and Tymoshenko agreed to resume gas transportation to Ukraine and EU countries. The agreements included the following:

1. Transition to direct contractual relations between Gazprom and Naftogaz of Ukraine, elimination of opaque intermediaries, the intermediary RosUkrEnergo was eliminated;
2. The introduction of a formulaic principle for setting prices for Ukraine, characteristic of other European countries (the formula included the cost of fuel oil on world markets, etc.), which prevented annual disputes about the price of gas;
3. Transition to a transit rate ($2.7), which is close to the European average.

According to new gas contracts, the average price for Russian natural gas for Ukraine in 2009 was $232.98 per 1 thousand cubic meters. meters - taking into account the 20 percent discount agreed upon by the parties. Immediately after signing the contracts, Russia resumed gas supplies to Europe.

On January 29, 2009, information appeared in the media that the Ukrainian co-owners of RosUkrEnergo, Dmitry Firtash and Ivan Fursin, were put on the federal wanted list in Russia in connection with their involvement in the activities of S. Mogilevich.

The National Electricity Regulatory Commission of Ukraine (NERC), following the recommendation of the National Security and Defense Council under the leadership of President V. Yushchenko, increased gas prices for the population by 35% from December 1, 2008. In addition, the government was forced to increase prices from June 1, 2009 by 5 - 10% for population groups consuming large volumes of gas - due to a change in the consumption structure and, as a consequence, to the financial imbalance of NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine. However, Y. Tymoshenko resolutely opposed the president’s further attempts to increase gas tariffs for the population. On June 11, 2009, after a meeting on the financial situation at NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine, at which it was decided to increase gas tariffs, Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko said: “I categorically object to increasing the price of gas for people. “I made a commitment that during this year the price of gas for the population will not change, and I will stick to my word.” Tariffs were not increased.

The transition to a market principle for setting gas prices was the first major step towards Ukraine’s energy independence. Its further strengthening directly depends on the development of the policy of energy saving and diversification of energy sources launched by the government of Yu. Timoshenko.

On June 7, 2009, Yu. Tymoshenko officially announced her desire to run for the presidency of Ukraine. On September 12, 2009, an all-Ukrainian tour entitled “With Ukraine in the Heart” in support of the future presidential candidate Yuri Tymoshenko began with a large concert on Independence Square in Kyiv. Popular Ukrainian musical performers were invited to participate in the tour.

On October 24, 2009, delegates to the IX Congress of the All-Ukrainian Association “Batkivshchyna,” which took place on Independence Square, unanimously voted to nominate Yulia Tymoshenko as a presidential candidate. About 200 thousand citizens were present. On October 31, 2009, the Central Election Commission decided to register Yulia Tymoshenko as a candidate for the post of President of Ukraine.

In the first round on January 17, 2010, with a result of 25.05% of the votes, she took second place (Viktor Yanukovych took first place with 35.32% of the votes).

Four days before the second round, on February 3, 2010, deputies of the Verkhovna Rada - members of the factions of the Party of Regions, the Communist Party, the Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense bloc and non-factional ones - at a specially convened extraordinary session of parliament, adopted changes to the law on presidential elections concerning the principles formation and organization of work of election commissions. BYuT stated that these changes create the preconditions for large-scale election fraud. Yulia Tymoshenko called on the President to veto the adopted law. The former co-rapporteur of the Monitoring Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe for Ukraine, Hanne Severinsen, made the same appeal to V. Yushchenko. Her appeal noted that “The Party of Regions is again, as in 2004, trying to create conditions for election fraud.” Despite this, President Yushchenko signed the law. This drew international criticism, in particular from the Council of Europe and the Helsinki Commission of the US Congress. The Voters Committee of Ukraine said that changes to the election law “include the biggest threats to democracy during the second round.” Before the second round of elections, Yushchenko announced the advisability of voting against both candidates. Tymoshenko said that this is “a crude, cynical technology, which, in essence, is a betrayal of Ukraine.”

In the second round on February 7, 2010, Tymoshenko received the support of 45.47% of the population, while her rival Viktor Yanukovych was supported by 48.95% of voters.

After the Central Election Commission of Ukraine announced the final protocol, which recognized Viktor Yanukovych as the elected president, Yulia Tymoshenko appealed to the Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine with a demand to recognize the elections as fraudulent. The Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine did not accept Yu. Tymoshenko's demands for consideration.

On February 22, 2010, in a televised address to citizens, Yulia Tymoshenko stated that she considers the presidential elections to be rigged and does not recognize their results.

On March 3, 2010, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine by a majority vote expressed no confidence in the government of Yulia Tymoshenko. 243 people's deputies voted for the decision (including seven from BYuT).

Beginning in May 2010, a number of cases were opened against Yulia Tymoshenko; the most famous cases are: on Kyoto money; on cars for rural medicine; under the “gas agreement with Russia dated January 19, 2009.” Also, since May 2010, criminal cases have been opened against Tymoshenko’s associates, against officials of the “Second Tymoshenko Government” (some of them have been in pre-trial detention for 8-14 months); Basically, they were charged with abuse of power. On April 28, 2010, Prime Minister of Ukraine Azarov said that the actions of the Tymoshenko government caused damage to the state of 100 billion hryvnia, and therefore Tymoshenko and officials should bear criminal liability. On May 12, 2010, the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine handed Yulia Tymoshenko a resolution to initiate a criminal case against her on charges of attempting to bribe judges (precisely in the “attempt”, and not regarding the “fact of a bribe”) in 2003-2004, although this case has already was closed back in 2004, under President Kuchma. At the same time, law enforcement agencies opened a number of criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko’s associates, including against officials. They were mainly accused of exceeding official authority.

After the local elections held on September 30, 2010, the Control and Audit Department completed the audit of Tymoshenko's Cabinet of Ministers. Based on the audit, which involved US firms (however, the US Embassy dissociated itself from these firms), 43 billion hryvnia of “abuse” was announced. Then, a month later, this amount was reduced by more than ten times to 320 million euros, and it turned out not to be theft, but the misuse of funds received under the Kyoto Protocol. According to the rules of the Kyoto Protocol, this money should have been spent on planting forests, but the money was sent to the Pension Fund of Ukraine. After this, the case was reclassified as misuse of funds.

On March 17, 2011, on the initiative of the Party of Regions, a temporary investigative commission was created in the Verkhovna Rada to investigate the circumstances of the signing of gas agreements in 2009 between the companies Naftogaz of Ukraine and Gazprom. On April 11, 2011, Renat Kuzmin announced the initiation of a new case “for abuse of power and official authority when concluding gas agreements with Russia in 2009.” According to Tymoshenko and her associates, she is being tried because, by agreement with Russia, during those negotiations, the intermediary in gas trade, Dmitry Firtash’s company RosUkrEnergo, was eliminated.

On October 11, 2011, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv found Tymoshenko guilty of exceeding the official powers of the Prime Minister of Ukraine. According to the court, Tymoshenko exceeded her powers as prime minister by the fact that after negotiations on January 19, 2009 with Russian Prime Minister Putin, she ordered the conclusion of Ukrainian-Russian agreements on gas supplies and transit, which, according to the court, led to losses for the state in represented by Naftogaz in the amount of $189.5 million. The court sentenced Yulia Tymoshenko to 7 years in prison, deprived her of the right to hold certain positions in government for 3 years after serving the main sentence, and also ordered her to pay damages of $189 million to Naftogaz.

On January 18, 2013, the Prosecutor General's Office handed Yulia Tymoshenko a notice of suspicion of involvement in organizing the murder of businessman and people's deputy Yevgeny Shcherban in 1996. Tymoshenko denied the accusations and called them absurd. Since February 6, 2013, witnesses in this case have been interrogated at the Kyiv Court of Appeal. The meetings were held without Tymoshenko's participation. The State Penitentiary Service reported that the ex-prime minister refuses to go to court. However, Tymoshenko’s defenders and she herself have repeatedly denied this and stated that in fact the jailers themselves do not want to transport her. Western countries regarded the new criminal case as a continuation of “obviously unfair and politically motivated trials against Tymoshenko and other representatives of the opposition.”

After armed clashes that occurred on February 18-20, 2014 in Kyiv between opposition supporters and law enforcement forces, in which 82 people were killed, President Yanukovych was removed from power. On February 21, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada implemented with national legislation the provisions of Article 19 of the UN Convention against Corruption, in accordance with which the article under which Yulia Tymoshenko was convicted was decriminalized. This law was not signed by President Yanukovych, as required by the regulations. On February 22, the Supreme Council, based on the decision of the European Court of Human Rights and the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, adopted a resolution “On the implementation of Ukraine’s international obligations for the release of Yu. V. Tymoshenko.” Based on this decision, Tymoshenko was able to leave the hospital in Kharkov on the same day.

Arriving in Kyiv, Yulia Tymoshenko first visited Grushevsky Street, where she paid tribute to the memory of the first victims of the confrontation with police special forces. After that, she performed at Independence Square.

On March 27, 2014, at a press conference in Kyiv, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that she intended to fight for the presidency of Ukraine in the May 2014 elections. On March 29, the congress of the VO “Batkivshchyna”, which took place on Sophia Square, nominated her candidacy for the post of President of Ukraine. On March 31, 2014, the Central Election Commission registered Yulia Tymoshenko as a candidate for the presidency of Ukraine. In the income statement submitted during registration for 2013, she indicated earnings of 180 thousand hryvnia (being the leader of the Batkivshchyna party), as well as an apartment with an area of ​​59.4 square meters.

On March 24, 2014, a recording of a telephone conversation between Tymoshenko and former Deputy Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine Nestor Shufrich was published on the Internet. In the conversation, Tymoshenko speaks emotionally about the situation in Crimea, proposing to “shoot” Russians with nuclear weapons.

According to the election results, Poroshenko won in the first round; 12.81% (2,309,812) of voters voted for Yulia Tymoshenko, who took second place.

In the 2014 parliamentary elections, Yulia Tymoshenko was elected as a people's deputy of Ukraine.

On December 11, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine supported Yulia Tymoshenko’s initiative for release.

On April 21, 2015, Yulia Tymoshenko initiated the creation of a working group to check the validity of utility tariffs.

In 2015, there was a rapprochement between Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna and the far-right Svoboda party: political forces signed an agreement providing for the broadest cooperation, mutual support in local elections and consolidation in local councils.

On May 23, 2016, on the initiative of Yulia Tymoshenko, the VO “Batkivshchyna” launched the “Fair Tariffs” website, the materials of which explain the need to establish adequate gas tariffs for the population.

Yulia Tymoshenko's height: 160 centimeters.

Personal life of Yulia Tymoshenko:

Husband - Alexander Timoshenko (born June 11, 1960) married Yulia Telegina in November 1979, a businessman with considerable experience. He was Yulia's defense attorney during the trial against her in 2011.

At the beginning of 2012, he received asylum in the Czech Republic. Alexander Timoshenko was one of the organizers of Euromaidan in Prague and created the International Public Association “Batkivshchyna”. Returned to Ukraine after the political crisis in Ukraine in 2013-2014 and the restoration of the Constitution of Ukraine as amended in 2004.

Daughter - Evgenia Timoshenko (born February 20, 1980), a graduate of the London School of Economics, received a bachelor's degree in Public Administration and a master's degree in Russian and Post-Soviet Political Science.

On October 1, 2005, she married British citizen Sean Carr (a rock musician and owner of several stores) and adopted her husband’s surname, Carr.

The marriage with Carr was dissolved at the beginning of 2012 and on December 19, 2011, Evgenia regained her surname Tymoshenko. The change of surname is due to the fact that since the fall of 2011, Evgenia has been actively involved in the campaign for the release of Yulia Tymoshenko: she spoke at the congress of the European People's Party, in the European Parliament, at hearings on Ukraine in the US Senate, at the OSCE, and personally met with Angela Merkel and Silvio Berlusconi, the leaders of the European People's Party, with the Secretary General of the Council of Europe Thorbjörn Jagland and other well-known politicians of the European Union and the United States.

Evgenia Timoshenko's second husband is Arthur Chechetkin. On June 27, 2016, the couple had a daughter, who was named Eva.

In bed with Tymoshenko. New Russian sensations (04/19/2014)

In reality, the marriage of Yulia Tymoshenko with her husband Alexander has long been only on paper. And it is preserved for political and business reasons. Everyone lives their own life.

In the 1990s, Yulia Tymoshenko was credited with having an affair with Pavel Lazarenko. As the same former Deputy Prime Minister of the Ukrainian government Dmitry Tabachnik pointed out, it was through “Lazarenko’s boudoir” that Yulia Tymoshenko made her career.

In the early 2000s, she had an affair with the famous politician Nestor Shufrich.

Recently, Yulia Tymoshenko has been credited with having a relationship with her lawyer and fellow party member Sergei Vlasenko. In particular, during the politician’s imprisonment, a hidden camera recorded their passionate kiss. Also, the former wife of the lawyer, Natalya Okunskaya, spoke a lot in the press about the relationship between Tymoshenko and Vlasenko, claiming that.

The real family name of the Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko is Kapitelman. Such data was announced at a press conference in Kyiv today, October 1, by a former ally of the head of the Ukrainian government, Dmitry Chobit.

"I was prompted to investigate by Yulia Tymoshenko herself, who stated that on her paternal side all Latvians up to the tenth generation, and on her maternal side only Ukrainians. But when I started looking for information about the ancestors of Yulia Vladimirovna, I found documents that show "It's her lie. According to the data I checked, Yulia Tymoshenko's ancestors independently changed their surname to Grigyan, and her real family surname is Kapitelman," said Dmitry Chobit.

Yulia Tymoshenko hides her origins between Ukraine, Armenia, Latvia and...

Much has been written and said about the ethnic roots of one of the main characters in the Ukrainian political field - Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who in every possible way emphasizes her “Ukrainianness” (although she admits that she learned the Ukrainian language only in 1999). Today, when almost no one doubts Tymoshenko’s claims to the highest post of the Ukrainian state, we should expect an intensification of the discussion around this topic. At one time, one of the Ukrainian sources prefaced his article about Yulia Tymoshenko:

“A native of Dnepropetrovsk, Yulia Tymoshenko is of mixed Russian-Armenian origin. The surnames of her parents are Telegina and Grigyan. Like many future powers that be, Tymoshenko had a rather difficult childhood. Her father abandoned the family when her daughter was only two years old. However, already distinguished by her strong character in her youth, the girl was able to quickly solve her personal problems. Yulia married the son of the Dnepropetrovsk regional boss Gennady Timoshenko, Alexander, and almost immediately became the real head of the family..."

In a more acute form, the topic of the ethnicity of the Ukrainian prime minister was raised by the then Minister of Transport and Communications of Ukraine Yevgeny Chervonenko. Commenting on the beating of a Jewish youth in Kiev, he suggested that Tymoshenko could have been more quick in condemning anti-Semitism, since she herself “has a Jewish mother and an Armenian father”: “I am very surprised that there was no such reaction from the government itself and the prime minister.” minister. Moreover, Yulia Tymoshenko's mother is Jewish, and her father is Armenian. It was the Armenians and Jews who were historically subjected to genocide," Chervonenko said.

Indeed, for a long time it was believed that Tymoshenko had Armenian blood flowing in her veins, because her maiden name was Grigyan. However, the BYuT leader herself denied these rumors. “On my father’s side, everyone is Latvian up to the tenth generation, and on my mother’s side, everyone is Ukrainian,” she said. According to Tymoshenko, “due to a mistake by the passport office employees, Vladimir Grigyanis turned into Grigyan.”

Meanwhile, finding the origins of the Grigyanis surname in Latvia turned out to be a complex matter. As we found out, in Latvia there is a surname Grigjanis, in this case pronounced in Russian as “Grigyanis”. But such a surname is extremely rare in Latvia. There are simply no direct analogies with “Grigyanis” in Latvia. On the other hand, if the prime minister’s words are true that on her father’s side all are Latvians up to the tenth generation, then such a surname would be quite common in small Latvia. Otherwise, we can assume that only girls were born in the Grigyanis (Grigyanis) family for all ten generations. More often in Latvia the variant Grigjans is found - “Grigjans”, but in this case it is translated into Russian as again “Grigyan”, that is, if not a typically Armenian, then, in any case, definitely not a Latvian surname, but Latvianized.

At one time, the Ukrainian resource “Fraza”, in an article devoted to the ethnic roots of Tymoshenko, wrote: “As it turned out, Tymoshenko’s father, who she passes off as a Latvian, is named Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan. We are ready to bet 5 kilos of fat that we can go around the whole of Latvia (yes and the entire Baltic region in general) and not a single Baltic named Abram Grigyan (the name of Timoshenko’s grandfather) can be found..." And indeed, Latvian philologists who study surnames unanimously insist that this form of surname is not independent, but a derivative of the Armenian surname Grigyan. If the Ukrainian prime minister’s grandfather’s name was Abram, then during the approximate period of Yulia Tymoshenko’s grandfather’s life, that is, in pre-war Latvia, there was a policy of total Latvianization of the population, when almost everyone was given Latvian names and surnames. Moreover, if these people were “native Latvians of the tenth generation.” Thus, Tymoshenko’s grandfather simply could not be called Abram: he was either not Latvian, or he himself is a fiction.

The search for the ethnic roots of the Ukrainian prime minister in Armenia also did not yield tangible results. As we found out, today only one family with the surname Grigyan is registered in the capital of the republic, Yerevan. However, it is important that in this case we have an absolutely clear coincidence with Yulia Vladimirovna’s maiden name appearing in official documents. Surprises await us in the process of clarifying the origins of the Grigyan surname in Nagorno-Karabakh. Local ethnographer Lev Azatyan says that the Grigyans are a famous “gerdastan” (clan) in Karabakh, which is of aristocratic origin. “Representatives of the Grigyan family, mainly settled in the Askeran region, valiantly participated in the fight against the Ottomans, contributed to the defense of Karabakh in 1918 - 1921, took part in the political resistance to the subordination of Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 1923 and were repressed for this during the period of Stalinism ", Azatyan said. Today there are several dozen Grigyan families in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Timoshenko Apartments in Miami

At the same time, some sources in the scientific circles of Armenia claim that the surname Grigyan is often found among Bessarabian Jews or Gypsies, just like the surnames Kopelyan, Muntyan, Pomerlyan. So it is not excluded that the originators of the Grigyan surname could be Bessarabian gypsies. To be fair, it is worth noting that in Moldova it was also not possible to find contemporaries of Tymoshenko by the last name Grigyan.

The original version is put forward by the same Ukrainian resource “Phrase”. Developing the idea of ​​the ethnic roots of Tymoshenko’s father, Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, the publication writes: “Such a name is quite typical for Armenian Jews. Armenian Jews (like Georgian and mountain Jews) are people very committed to tradition, and it is unlikely that he (Yulia Tymoshenko’s father) "I would have married Tymoshenko's mother if she had not been Jewish." Meanwhile, attempts to check the grandmother - that is, the mother of Tymoshenko’s mother - were unsuccessful: “What is the real name of Maria Iosifovna - that, according to our (and not only our) information, is the name of grandmother Tymoshenko, a candy factory technologist, is shrouded in the darkness of the unknown... "But, it seems, we managed to establish Maria Iosifovna's surname from her husband. This surname sounds strange - Nelepova... apparently, Maria Iosifovna's maiden name sounded so, to put it mildly, strange that she finally had to change it."

Yulia Timoshenko- statesman and political figure of Ukraine, Prime Minister of Ukraine in February - September 2005 and December 2007 - March 2010. Yulia Timoshenko- leader of the Batkivshchyna (Fatherland) party and the Bloc Yulia Timoshenko; the second most important (after Yushchenko) leader of the 2004 Orange Revolution. According to Forbes magazine, Yulia Timoshenko- the third most influential woman in the world in 2005. In the 2010 presidential elections, she received 45% of the vote (3% less than the winner).

Biography of Yulia Tymoshenko

Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko
Prime Minister of Ukraine during the periods January 24, 2005 - September 8, 2005 (acting until February 4, 2005) and December 18, 2007 - March 11, 2010
Party: Batkivshchyna, Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc
Education: DSU
Profession: engineer-economist
Religion: Orthodoxy, Ukrainian Church
Birth: November 27, 1960
Dnepropetrovsk, Ukrainian SSR, USSR

Family and origin of Yulia Tymoshenko

Mother Yulia Timoshenko- Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina (nee Nelepova), born on August 11, 1937 in Dnepropetrovsk.

Father Yulia Timoshenko- Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, born on December 3, 1937 in Dnepropetrovsk, nationality according to documents is Latvian, during the occupation he lived with his mother in Dnepropetrovsk. His mother is Maria Iosifovna Grigyan (b. 1909). His father, Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman (b. 1914), upon graduating from Dnepropetrovsk University in 1940, was sent to work in Western Ukraine, where he worked only one academic quarter as the director of a public school in the city of Snyatin:
“In Snyatyn, as in all of Western Ukraine... Soviet power was established, new institutions were formed. Young personnel from the eastern regions of Ukraine were sent to work there. One of these was A.K. Kapitelman. Unfortunately, it was not possible to find materials indicating his work in Snyatyn: neither in Snyatyn, nor in Ivano-Frankivsk. The regional state archive does not contain documents about schools and district education departments for the period 1940-1941.” In the fall of 1940, he was mobilized into the army and died at the front on November 8, 1944, with the rank of “senior communications lieutenant.”

Great-grandfather Yulia Timoshenko- Joseph Iosifovich Grigan (Latvian nationality), born in Riga in 1884, in 1914 he moved to Yekaterinoslav (Dnepropetrovsk), where he worked as a conductor on the railway (at the Lotsmanka station in Dnepropetrovsk). He was first arrested in 1937; re-arrested in 1938 and was repressed (for letters from Latvia; the indictment part of the criminal case says: “Grigan, discrediting Soviet power among the workers, praised the good life of the working class in fascist countries: Germany and Poland”); served 10 years in camps (1938-1948); rehabilitated in 1963. His wife is Elena Titovna Grigan, born in 1893, Ukrainian, from the village of Martynovka (Kishenkovsky district, Poltava province).
About your ethnic origin Yulia Timoshenko said: “On my father’s side, all Latvians up to the tenth generation, and on my mother’s side, all Ukrainians up to the tenth generation.”

The early years of Yulia Tymoshenko

Yulia Grigyan was born in Dnepropetrovsk on November 27, 1960 in the family of Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan and Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina. Yulia Tymoshenko's father left the family when Yulia was 3 years old. She graduated from school in 1977 (secondary school No. 37 in Dnepropetrovsk); Before graduating from school, she took her mother’s surname - Telegina.

Education of Yulia Tymoshenko

In 1978 Yulia Timoshenko entered the mining faculty of the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute.
In 1979 Yulia Timoshenko transferred to Dnepropetrovsk State University, Faculty of Economics, majoring in economist-cybernetics.
In 1980, after the birth of her daughter, Yulia Timoshenko reinstated in the specialty “labor economics”.
In 1984 Yulia Timoshenko Graduated with honors (with honors) from the Faculty of Economics of Dnepropetrovsk State University, majoring in engineer-economist.

In 1999 Yulia Timoshenko defended her PhD thesis at the Kiev National Economic University in the specialty 02/08/03 - organization of management, planning and regulation of the economy on the topic “State regulation of the tax system”. Yulia Timoshenko- Candidate of Economic Sciences.

Further work biography of Yulia Tymoshenko

After graduating from Dnepropetrovsk State University Yulia Timoshenko worked (1984-1988) as an engineer-economist at the Dnieper Machine-Building Plant named after. Lenin (DMZ) in Dnepropetrovsk.

In 1988 (at the beginning of perestroika) Yulia and Alexander Timoshenko borrowed 5,000 rubles and opened a cooperative “video rental point”; Gennady probably helped them Tymoshenko(Alexander’s father), who headed the “film distribution department” in the Dnepropetrovsk regional council.
In 1989 Yulia and Alexander Timoshenko created the youth center "Terminal" (under the auspices of the Dnepropetrovsk Regional Komsomol Committee) - Yulia Timoshenko worked as commercial director of the Terminal center (1989-1991). At that time, the Dnepropetrovsk Regional Committee of the Komsomol was headed by Sergei Tigipko, and the head of the agitation and propaganda department was Alexander Turchinov.
In 1991 Yulia Timoshenko founded, together with her husband, the Ukrainian Gasoline corporation (commercial, general director), which by 1995 turned into the industrial and financial corporation Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) with a turnover of $11 billion and, with the support of the chairman of the Hromada party, the prime minister -Minister of Ukraine Pavel Lazarenko, had a monopoly on trade in Russian natural gas in Ukraine.

In 1995-1997 Yulia Timoshenko- President of the UESU Corporation.
In June 1997, after the resignation of Lazarenko, the “gas princess” (as they were then called Yulia Timoshenko); lost the post of head of the UESU, but headed the “shadow government of the Hromada party” (Yu. Tymoshenko served as deputy head of the Hromada party).
After the arrest of Pavel Lazarenko in the USA (in February 1999), Yulia Timoshenko founded (July 9, 1999) and headed (from December 18, 1999) the All-Ukrainian Association “Fatherland”.
January 16, 1997 - May 12, 1998 Yulia Timoshenko- People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of the 2nd convocation).
May 12, 1998 - March 2, 2000 Yulia Timoshenko- People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the 3rd convocation).

December 30, 1999 Yulia Timoshenko appointed Deputy Prime Minister for Heat and Energy Complex in the government of Viktor Yushchenko. On January 19, 2001, Tymoshenko was relieved of her post, and on February 13, she was sent to a pre-trial detention center on charges that, when she was the head of the Unified Energy System of Ukraine in 1995-1997, she carried out “smuggling of Russian gas to Ukraine” and for non-payment of taxes. On March 27, 2001, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv canceled the arrest warrant for Tymoshenko, recognizing the charges brought against her as unfounded, and she was released (after serving 42 days in a pre-trial detention center).

March 31, 2002 in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada Bloc Yulia Timoshenko received 7.26% of the votes. The BYuT faction in the Verkhovna Rada included 24 deputies.
May 14, 2002 - February 4, 2005 Yulia Timoshenko- People's Deputy of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada of the IV convocation).
On April 30, 2002, the Kiev-Svyatoshinsky Court of the Kyiv Region dropped all charges brought by the Prosecutor General's Office against Yulia Timoshenko and her husband.
In September 2002, together with Alexander Moroz (leader of the Socialist Party) and Pyotr Symonenko (leader of the Communist Party), he led the action “Rise up, Ukraine!” against the regime of Leonid Kuchma.
On April 9, 2003, the Kyiv Court of Appeal confirmed the decision to declare illegal and cancel criminal case against Yulia Tymoshenko and her husband.

The role of Yulia Tymoshenko in the Orange Revolution (2004)

July 2, 2004 Yulia Timoshenko(on behalf of BYuT) signed with V. Yushchenko the “Agreement on the creation of the “Power of the People” coalition”, created in support of Viktor Yushchenko in the presidential elections, which provided for the opportunity for Yulia Timoshenko head the future government.
On July 3, 2004, the presidential campaign began. During the election campaign, Yushchenko usually paid more attention to the topic of patriotism, and Yulia Timoshenko more often spoke on the topic of “fighting oligarchs, in order to improve the lives of the people, small and medium-sized businesses.” Yulia Timoshenko had an influence on the “patriotic voter”, in particular due to the fact that in the Bloc Yulia Timoshenko included prominent national patriots and dissidents (in particular, S. Khmara and L. Lukyanenko).

In the "Orange Revolution" Yulia Timoshenko actively took part as the second leader after V. Yushchenko. It was quite obvious the desire Yulia Timoshenko take over as prime minister.
When I went to the presidential administration Yulia Timoshenko, there in the first line there were neither “It’s Time” nor people with saws. In the front row stood the group, which was always led by Turchinov. And this is the same group that did not disperse from the Maidan when they were called upon to do so. They wanted to hold Maidan until Tymoshenko was appointed prime minister. - David Zhvania, interview with the Ukrayinska Pravda website

Yulia Tymoshenko as Prime Minister of Ukraine (2005)

January 24, 2005 Yulia Timoshenko appointed and O. Prime Minister of Ukraine. On February 4, 2005, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine approved Yulia Tymoshenko as Prime Minister of the country - 375 votes in favor (out of 450). Also within the framework of the “Power of the People” Coalition Agreement Yu. V. Timoshenko was destined for the post of prime minister. When explaining this appointment, V. Yushchenko said “And, perhaps, the most important thing... There are great hopes among the public: the president is Yushchenko, the prime minister is Yulia Timoshenko».

It is worth noting that in this Cabinet Yulia Timoshenko- 2005 there was not a single minister from BYuT, except for herself Tymoshenko(only the position of head of the SBU was taken by A. Turchynov); Yushchenko also did not appoint a single governor (correctly called: head of the regional state administration) from BYuT. However, almost all ministers of the first Cabinet Yulia Timoshenko supported her in subsequent confrontations with Yushchenko.

The main points that characterized the internal economic activities of the Cabinet of Ministers Yulia Timoshenko, become:
* Increase in salaries, pensions, scholarships - one and a half to two times (in September 2005 compared to June 2004).
* fulfilling the election promises of President V. Yushchenko, the government in 2005 increased the amount of the “One-time benefit for the birth of a child” 12 times: up to January 1, 2004 - 320 UAH; after January 1, 2004 - 684 UAH; 1.4.2005 - 8497.6 UAH; 1.1.2008 - 12240 UAH. (for the first child), 25,000 UAH. (for the second), 50,000 UAH. (on the third).
* Campaign “Smuggling - stop”; and bringing “oligarchic business” out of the shadows - at the same time, these “actions to suppress smuggling” affected part of medium-sized businesses.
* Statements about the need for mass reprivatization of 3,000 enterprises.
As a result, control was returned to the state only over the largest metallurgical plant, Krivorozhstal (which was resold in October 2005 for six times more expensive, that is, almost “$4 billion” more expensive - at the same time, for the period 1991-2004, “receipts from privatization in Ukraine" amounted to only "about 8.5 billion dollars."

* June 16, 2005, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Vladimir Lytvyn and Yulia Timoshenko signed a memorandum on guarantees of property rights and ensuring legality in their implementation; After signing the document, Viktor Yushchenko said that “the Ukrainian authorities have put an end to the discussion on problematic issues of privatization” - they say that there will be no reprivatization, since there are no funds in the budget for this.
* In April-May 2005, the so-called “gasoline crisis” and “sugar crisis” passed - when prices (for sugar and gasoline) rose by 30%-50% in 2-3 weeks. These “crises” had signs of a “cartel” - the Tymoshenko government returned prices to previous levels within a month (acting mainly by market methods - “commodity interventions”). However, during the “gasoline crisis” Yushchenko (at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council) sharply criticized Tymoshenko for “pressure on gasoline wholesalers.”

In the summer of 2005, reports appeared in the press that in the fall of 2005 the Cabinet of Ministers Yulia Timoshenko will be dismissed, and Poroshenko will take the post of prime minister.
On August 24, on Independence Day of Ukraine, in a speech on the Maidan, President Yushchenko called the Cabinet of Ministers Yulia Timoshenko the best. However, two weeks later (after the demonstrative resignation of A. Zinchenko, who accused Poroshenko of “corruption and conspiracy”) - on September 8, 2005, Viktor Yushchenko dismissed the government of Yulia Tymoshenko due to conflicts within the executive branch of government.

It is characteristic that even B. Berezovsky did not support Yushchenko on the issue of resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers Yulia Timoshenko:
“Remember, they said that this is a “revolution of millionaires against billionaires”, the bad millionaire is the one who does not dream of becoming a billionaire, but as soon as they gained power, they began what is called “deribanit” (dividing what they had captured). Tymoshenko, of course, got in the way.” At the same time, Berezovsky spoke positively about the activities of ex-Prime Minister Tymoshenko: “Her work as prime minister was very worthy.”
So, even Berezovsky condemned Yushchenko’s entourage in the conflict with Yulia Tymoshenko- especially since public opinion in Ukraine condemned Poroshenko and Yushchenko. This condemnation manifested itself in the parliamentary elections in March 2006 - for the first time BYuT surpassed Our Ukraine: the opposition BYuT received 129 parliamentary seats, and the presidential Our Ukraine - 81 (although in the previous parliamentary elections in 2002, 22 deputies were elected from BYuT, and from “Our Ukraine” - 112).

Yulia Tymoshenko's stay in the opposition (2005-2007)

On November 18, 2005, the Supreme Court of Ukraine, at a joint meeting of the Trial Chamber for Criminal Cases and the Military Judicial Collegium, overturned all criminal cases that had been opened against Yulia Tymoshenko, her family members and supporters.

Parliamentary elections 2006. "Coalition 2006". The role of Yulia Tymoshenko

March 26, 2006 in the parliamentary elections Bloc Yulia Timoshenko received 22.27% (5,648,345) of the votes, losing only to the Party of Regions and coming out on top in 14 regions. The supposed “orange” coalition (BYuT, 129 seats; Our Ukraine, 81 seats; SPU, 33 seats) following the election results received 243 seats in the Verkhovna Rada, that is, a confident majority (the Party of Regions received 186 seats). However, the so-called “coalition 2006” began - negotiations between the Bloc Yulia Timoshenko, “Our Ukraine” and the SPU, the creation of a coalition dragged on for more than four months.

There is an assumption that the stumbling block in the creation of the “coalition of democratic forces” again became the position for P. Poroshenko. Since the position of prime minister was already unrealistic for P. Poroshenko, on May 27, 2006, members of the Our Ukraine bloc faction decided to nominate P. Poroshenko for the post of Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. SPU A. Moroz spoke out against this decision. But on June 22, 2006, a coalition agreement was signed on the creation of the “Democratic Coalition” (BYuT, “Our Ukraine”, SPU) according to which Yulia Timoshenko became prime minister, and P. Poroshenko was destined for the post of Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada.

However, the leader of the SPU A. Moroz (who had already held this position in the 1990s) applied for the post of Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. He indignantly stated that P. Poroshenko discredited himself in 2005. In the end, A. Moroz came to an agreement with the “Party of Regions” and on July 6, 2006, A. Moroz was elected chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, and on July 7 the creation of the “Anticrisis Coalition” was officially announced (it included the Party of Regions, the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Socialist Party of Ukraine), and “Our Ukraine” informally joined on August 4, 2006 - the second government of Yanukovych included 8 ministers from “Our Ukraine”. This coalition proposed that President Yushchenko submit to the Verkhovna Rada the candidacy of V. Yanukovych for the post of prime minister.

"Universal Yushchenko-Yanukovych." Transition of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc to the opposition

There is an assumption that Viktor Yushchenko hesitated for a long time about agreeing to the appointment of Yanukovych as prime minister and demanded that the latter make a number of political obligations and concessions, which were called “Universal of National Unity” (in particular, Ukraine’s accession to NATO, etc.).
August 3, 2006 Yulia Timoshenko refused to sign the Universal National Unity proposed by President Yushchenko, which was signed by all other parliamentary parties of Ukraine, called the Universal “a cover for betrayal,” and announced a transition to the harsh opposition. Tymoshenko called on people's deputies who share her views to create an inter-factional opposition association.

On August 4, 2006, Yushchenko submitted the candidacy of V. Yanukovych for approval to the Verkhovna Rada. Viktor Yanukovych became Prime Minister of Ukraine for the second time. Yanukovych’s Cabinet included 8 ministers from Our Ukraine, that is, Yanukovych’s Cabinet included representatives of all parliamentary factions (communists, socialists, PR, NU), except for the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc.
September 22, 2006 deputies Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko and two members of the SPU faction signed an agreement on the creation of a parliamentary opposition in the Verkhovna Rada led by Yulia Tymoshenko. Her deputies were: Nikolai Tomenko, Alexander Turchinov (both from BYuT) and Joseph Vinsky (former First Secretary of the Socialist Party, deputy head of the Socialist Party Alexander Moroz). October 20, 2006 to the opposition led by Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko The Reform and Order party joined (in 2006, the PRP was not represented in the Verkhovna Rada).

Dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada. Parliamentary elections 2007

In October-December 2006, almost all ministers from Our Ukraine were fired from Yanukovych’s Cabinet. Since December 2006 Yulia Timoshenko and Yu. Lutsenko held rallies throughout Ukraine, calling for the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada.
In February-March 2007, the ruling “anti-crisis coalition” began to expand at the expense of defector deputies from the Our Ukraine and BYuT factions. If this process continues, the parliamentary coalition could receive a constitutional majority of 300 votes, which would allow it to override the presidential veto (that is, pass laws without the President), and President Yushchenko could not allow this, but he took a wait-and-see attitude.

February 28 - March 2, 2007 Yulia Timoshenko was on a visit to the USA. It took place three months after Prime Minister Yanukovych visited the United States. Main purpose of the visit Yulia Timoshenko was to convey to the American leadership (Tymoshenko met with Vice President Richard Cheney; Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; President Bush's national security adviser Stephen Hadley) “the main problem in Ukrainian politics”: Yanukovych’s actions to unconstitutionally expand the ruling coalition could lead to the actual removal of Yushchenko from power.
The way out of this situation, in her opinion, should be: the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada (in accordance with the provisions of the current Constitution) and early parliamentary elections. In addition to meetings with senior members of the Bush administration, Yulia Timoshenko spoke at the Kennedy Center for Strategic Studies and the National Press Club, and also received an award from the influential non-governmental organization Conservative Political Action Conference for “contributions to democracy.”

On March 31, 2007, a rally of many thousands took place in Kyiv, the leaders of which were Yulia Timoshenko, V. Kirilenko, Y. Lutsenko). There were calls for President Yushchenko to dissolve the Verkhovna Rada and call re-elections.
On April 2, 2007, Viktor Yushchenko signed a decree “On the early termination of the powers of the Verkhovna Rada” and scheduled early elections of people’s deputies for May 27, 2007. The united opposition, which included: Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the bloc of political parties “Our Ukraine” and the public movement “People’s Self-Defense” of Yuriy Lutsenko. A protracted political confrontation began, ending with early parliamentary elections on September 30, 2007, in which Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc took second place, receiving 30.71% of the votes and 156 seats in parliament, thus increasing its representation by 27 parliamentary seats.

Controversies between Yulia Tymoshenko and other participants in the Orange Revolution

Contradictions between Yu. Timoshenko and V. Yushchenko

In April-May 2005, the so-called “gasoline and sugar crises” took place (price increases from March 23 - 10% for gasoline; in May for sugar - 50%), both crises had signs of cartel collusion and were investigated by the Antimonopoly Committee:

* “It took the Antimonopoly Committee almost a year to find the culprits. The largest sugar producers were accused of conspiracy. The Ukrainian food company of Igor Surkis and Valentin Zgursky had to pay the most for the price jump - UAH 6 million, Agroprodinvest of Petro Poroshenko and Sugar Union LLC of the Ukrros group.” Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko called the “sugar crisis” a “crisis in the name of the Poroshenko family and the sugar business”;
* “petroleum products, as if by a wave of a magic wand, appeared at many gas stations almost during the conversation between the oil oligarchs and Yushchenko. Which once again confirms: Tymoshenko was right when she spoke about a conspiracy in the market... Eliminating duties on gasoline and diesel fuel, reducing the maximum excise tax level - all these are the actions of the Prime Minister Tymoshenko gave the opportunity to get out of the fuel chaos within a week, maximum two.”

Tymoshenko's Cabinet eliminated each “crisis” within a month - by eliminating duties on gasoline and commodity interventions (in particular, cane sugar was imported). However, President Yushchenko, at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Council (19.5.2005), sharply criticized Prime Minister Tymoshenko for putting pressure on gasoline wholesalers:
* “Yushchenko told her that in this case she could write a letter of resignation and go together with the SDPU (o) and Regions (the political force of V. Yanukovych) to blow the trumpets and beat the drums.”
This was the first case of public contradictions between Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko.
In mid-May 2005, a conflict arose over the “Kinakh list” (a list of enterprises for reprivatization) - First Deputy Prime Minister Kinakh prepared this list on behalf of Viktor Yushchenko without consultation with the Prime Minister. Yulia Timoshenko acted as an opponent of selective reprivatization and for the adoption of a Law on Reprivatization with fixed criteria.
Soon, Yushchenko accused the government of seriously lagging behind the schedule, which would have ensured Ukraine's accession to the WTO in 2005. In his opinion, Tymoshenko introduced too many restrictions in several sectors of the Ukrainian economy, which created new obstacles to joining the WTO.

Political confrontation between Yulia Tymoshenko and P. Poroshenko

Petro Poroshenko applied for the post of prime minister in the new government. On February 8, 2005, Poroshenko was appointed to the post of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. Poroshenko said that “the scope of the National Security and Defense Council includes all issues of the Cabinet of Ministers.” Yushchenko stated that the National Security and Defense Council should become “the only place where all strategic decisions will be made.” In fact, Yushchenko and Poroshenko began to create a system of duplication of the Cabinet of Ministers from the National Security and Defense Council.
On March 29, 2005, Viktor Yushchenko publicly admitted that there was a conflict in his team between Yulia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko and that he is “trying to resolve these differences.”

Already on April 14, the head of the Zhytomyr regional organization Yulia Tymoshenko's party"Fatherland" Oleg Antipov said that Tymoshenko told him that she would probably be removed from her post as head of the cabinet in May or September. Later, her prediction came true.
In April, after publications in the press, Tymoshenko said: “It is quite obvious that in Ukraine there are certain circles that are simply raving about such a development of events. However, their dreams have no chance of coming true.” Viktor Yushchenko also denied information about the possibility of the Prime Minister's resignation Yulia Timoshenko. “This is just nonsense,” Yushchenko said. - “Yulia Vladimirovna will work for a long time and live long. God forbid that there should be any suspicions there.”
September 8, 2005 Cabinet of Ministers of Yulia Tymoshenko was dismissed. On the same day, P. Poroshenko was also dismissed from the post of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, but he did not become prime minister.

"Universal 2006 Yushchenko-Yanukovych"

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At the initiative of President Yushchenko, a round table was held at the end of July 2006, which was attended by President Yushchenko, Prime Minister Yekhanurov, the head of the Verkhovna Rada, leaders of parliamentary parties and representatives of the public. On August 3, 2006, the participants of the “round table” (from the Communist Party, Socialist Party, political forces of Yushchenko and Yanukovych) signed the “Universal of National Unity”. Tymoshenko (BYuT) did not sign this Universal (the only one present at the round table).

Leak to WikiLeaks: the true motives of the “2006 coalition”

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Because of the 2006 coalition, Tymoshenko did not receive the post of prime minister. To an outside observer, the “2006 coalition” seemed absurd - for three months, television news broadcasts daily discussed new insignificant demands of “Our Ukraine” to BYuT and SPU without any progress towards creating a coalition.
Political scientists made assumptions that the coalition only concealed the alliance between Yushchenko and Yanukovych against Yulia Timoshenko. Indeed, the business wing of Our Ukraine had close contacts with the Party of Regions:
* Throughout 2005-2010, Yulia Tymoshenko personally and BYuT as a whole repeatedly spoke out against the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo, and Yushchenko consistently defended RosUkrEnergo (the Ukrainian part of the company belonged to Yushchenko’s friend D. Firtash and representatives of the Party of Regions (PR) Yu. Boyko , S. Lyovochkin). RosUkrEnergo was the main intermediary in the trade of Russian natural gas in Ukraine - and the issue was worth many billions of dollars.
* The second issue was the issue of transferring the shelf of the Black and Azov Seas for a long-term lease to the Venco company (full name Vanco Prykerchenska) - D. Firtash and regional manager R. Akhmetov were again behind Venco. It should be noted that it was in April 2006 that the same resolution on shelf leasing for the Venco company was approved by the votes of PR and NU, that is, PR and NU perfectly found a common language on such an important issue during the coalition. It is these issues that were most hotly discussed (and are being discussed until 2011) as the most confrontational issues in which the interests of the state of Ukraine and the private companies RosUkrEnergo and Venko collided.

However, until now, the 2006 coalition and the “Yushchenko-Yanukovych Universal” looked like Yushchenko was forced into an alliance with the PR by force of insurmountable circumstances and the betrayal of A. Moroz. But in December 2010, the WikiLeaks website published secret reports of the US Ambassador to Ukraine, which say that on March 22, 2006 (that is, 4 days before voting day in the 2006 elections), Defense Minister Gritsenko (who was part of Yushchenko’s inner circle, and was faithful Yushchenko) met with the US Ambassador for an important conversation. Gritsenko told the ambassador that last week he had held negotiations with R. Akhmetov (whom the ambassador called “the godfather of the Party of Regions”) about the attitude of the Party of Regions to NATO. Gritsenko persistently convinced the ambassador that:
1) a coalition of “Our Ukraine” and the “Party of Regions” is quite possible;
2) in such a coalition, the Party of Regions will not seek to revise Yushchenko’s plans for Ukraine’s entry into NATO (provided that Gritsenko retains the post of Minister of Defense).
It should be emphasized that the result of the 2006 coalition and “Universal” was precisely the union of PR and NU, and Gritsenko remained in the post of Minister of Defense (in total, there were 8 ministers from NU in Yanukovych’s Cabinet). Thus, Wikileaks materials say that the delays in the “2006 coalition” took place quite deliberately and achieved the planned goals.
Subsequently, exactly such an alliance between Yushchenko and Yanukovych (with the participation of Gritsenko) could be observed in the 2010 presidential elections, where Yushchenko and Gritsenko promoted the slogan “Against everyone.”

Yulia Tymoshenko as Prime Minister of Ukraine (December 18, 2007-March 11, 2010)

According to the results of the Verkhovna Rada elections (which took place on September 30, 2007), on November 29, 2007, a ruling coalition of the BYuT and NUNS factions was created; these factions numbered 229 deputies. On December 18, 2007, the ruling coalition appointed the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko(226 votes in a roll-call oral vote; on the second attempt, after her unsuccessful vote on December 11).

January 16, 2008 Cabinet of Ministers Yulia Timoshenko approved the draft government program “Ukrainian breakthrough: for people, not for politicians” and submitted it for consideration to the Verkhovna Rada. The program basically repeated the BYuT election program: it provided for an increase in salaries and pensions; industrial development; strengthening the fight against corruption. Prime Minister Tymoshenko also established five priority tasks for each ministry.
Issues of reprivatization were not raised, but the conditions for the privatization of state-owned enterprises became more stringent - on January 23, 2008, Yulia Tymoshenko at a government briefing regarding the draft new version of the Law of Ukraine “On the State Privatization Program” said:
We want the law to include a rule that if the terms of a privatization agreement are not met, such a privatization agreement will be terminated without returning the money that was paid for the enterprise

Fulfilling its election promise, January 11, 2008 Cabinet of Ministers Yulia Timoshenko began payments to depositors of Sberbank of the USSR - each depositor (with corresponding deposits) was paid a thousand hryvnia at the rate of 1 hryvnia for 1 Soviet ruble.
During the Russian-Georgian military conflict 8/8/2008 Prime Minister Tymoshenko took a balanced position (in contrast to the statements of Yushchenko, who soon visited Tbilisi); Tymoshenko limited herself to calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities. In response to this, officials from the Secretariat of President V. Yushchenko, Kislinsky and Shlapak, accused her of “treason to the Motherland.” Commenting on this accusation, Tymoshenko said that “it is necessary to hire a carpenter and change the sign on the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine to ‘Ward number six’.”

On October 8, 2008, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko announced the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada. Decree No. 911/2008 (Ukrainian) was signed on October 9 and came into force on October 10; the decree set the date for early parliamentary elections - December 7, 2008.
The next day, October 9, 2008, Ivan Kirilenko, leader of the BYuT faction, said that Yulia Timoshenko, in accordance with the Constitution, will resign as prime minister only if a new ruling coalition is formed in the Verkhovna Rada. Indeed, on September 16, 2008, the NUNS faction left the ruling coalition and the collapse of the coalition was officially announced; however, NUNS was unable to create a coalition with the Party of Regions, and on December 16, 2008, the ruling coalition of BYuT and NUNS was recreated with the inclusion of the “Lytvyn Bloc” in it, the coalition agreement was signed by 226 deputies - Tymoshenko’s Cabinet continued its work.

“Gas crises” with the participation of Yulia Tymoshenko between Russia and Ukraine 2008-2009)

In February 2008, another “gas crisis” arose between Russia and Ukraine. The cause of the crisis was that the intermediaries, non-state enterprises RosUkrEnergo and Ukrgazenergo, received significant volumes of gas (4 billion cubic meters) from Gazprom in the fall of 2007 and did not pay for them. Yulia Timoshenko stated that the intermediary Ukrgazenergo will cease its activities in March: “Ukraine and Russia do not need any intermediaries in the field of gas supply, and the government will stand very clearly on these positions.”

In January 2009 the government Yulia Timoshenko at negotiations in Moscow with the Russian government, the “gas crisis” was resolved, in particular:
* for the first time, Russia and Ukraine agreed on a formula for calculating the cost of gas (the formula included the cost of fuel oil on world markets, etc.), which prevented annual disputes about the price of gas;
* the intermediary RosUkrEnergo was also eliminated (from the Ukrainian side this enterprise was led by Dmitry Firtash), and the parties switched to direct agreements between state companies (from the Ukrainian side - Naftogaz, from the Russian side - Gazprom). On the Russian side, Prime Minister V.V. Putin and the head of Gazprom A. Miller advocated the elimination of the intermediary RosUkrEnergo.

However, the elimination of RosUkrEnergo caused a significant deterioration in relations between Prime Minister Tymoshenko and President Yushchenko, who supported Firtash. On January 29, 2009, information appeared in the media that the Ukrainian co-owners of RosUkrEnergo, Dmitry Firtash and Ivan Fursin, were put on the federal wanted list in Russia.

On June 11, 2009, after a meeting on the financial situation at NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine, at which it was decided to increase gas tariffs, the Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko stated: “I categorically object to increasing the price of gas for people. “I made a commitment that during this year the price of gas for the population will not change, and I will stick to my word.” Tariffs were not increased, although two months earlier the Cabinet of Ministers recommended that NERC increase the tariff on natural gas for families consuming over 2.5 thousand cubic meters by 5%. meters per year, and by 10% - more than 6 thousand cubic meters. meters of natural gas per year. Prior to this, on December 1, 2008, during the “gas crisis” with Russia, NERC raised the price of gas for the population by 35%.

Activities of Yulia Tymoshenko in the second half of 2009

June 7, 2009 BYuT leader Yulia Timoshenko began negotiations with the Party of Regions of Viktor Yanukovych on amending the Constitution of Ukraine (300 votes were required to make changes, which the coalition of NUNS, BYuT, Lytvyn Bloc did not have) and on a “broad coalition” with the Party of Regions. These changes were supposed to reduce the powers of President Yushchenko; however, Viktor Yanukovych at a decisive moment announced his withdrawal from the negotiation process (the parties did not trust each other, politicians and the press were also extremely skeptical about the possibility of such cooperation). However, these negotiations still yielded results - President Yushchenko did not try to dismiss Tymoshenko’s Cabinet until the end of 2009.

On June 15, 2009, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, referring to the report of the Accounts Chamber of Ukraine, accused Tymoshenko's Cabinet of unprecedented failure to implement several social and cultural development programs. “This is an unprecedented case when the Cabinet of Ministers demonstrates such disregard for the budget law,” the President stated.
In September 2009, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv banned “any publication of unfair advertising” about the activities of the head of government and, in particular, a video using Tymoshenko’s election campaign slogan “She works.”

2010 presidential elections. Participation of Yulia Tymoshenko

June 8, 2009 Yulia Timoshenko officially announced her desire to run for the post of President of Ukraine.

In the first round on January 17, 2010 with a result of 25.05% of the votes Yulia Timoshenko took second place (first place went to Viktor Yanukovych 35.32%).
In the second round on February 7, 2010. Yulia Timoshenko received the support of 45.47%, while her rival Viktor Yanukovych was supported by 48.95% of voters.

After the Central Election Commission of Ukraine announced the final protocol, which recognized Viktor Yanukovych as the elected President of Ukraine, Yulia Timoshenko filed a lawsuit with the Supreme Administrative Court of Ukraine (HACU) demanding that the elections be declared fraudulent - in her lawsuit Yulia Timoshenko made the following claims:
* “300 thousand voters who were not in the Voter Register of Ukraine” took part in the elections;
* 1.3 million people voted at home (mostly without providing medical certificates);
* the recount of votes revealed at some polling stations up to 5-10% of “additions” in favor of V. Yanukovych;
* supporters of candidate V. Yanukovych organized “transportation of voters to polling stations” with campaigning on buses and minibuses (campaigning on election day is prohibited). Also, on election day, campaigning was removed throughout Ukraine. Yulia Timoshenko, but propaganda billboards and Yanukovych posters continued to hang.

Yulia Timoshenko demanded:
* carry out recalculation in several regions (including Donetsk region and Crimea);
* investigate the reasons for the appearance of “300 thousand voters in excess of the Voter Register of Ukraine”; and selectively investigate cases of mass voting at home (that is, outside polling stations).

VACU did not accept the request for consideration Yulia Timoshenko on the register, investigation and recount of votes, referring to the new version of the Election Law (which was adopted three days before voting day). Yulia Timoshenko withdrew her claim, stating:
It is better that there is no court decision than a deliberately falsified one. The future fair court will make the right decision on these elections. I and my political force will never recognize these elections; and do not recognize Yanukovych as the elected president of Ukraine.

Expression of no confidence in the government of Yulia Tymoshenko and his resignation

On March 3, 2010, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine by a majority vote expressed no confidence to the government of Yulia Tymoshenko. 243 people's deputies voted for the decision (including seven from BYuT), 10 voted against it, and two abstained. On March 11, 2010, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine sent the Cabinet of Ministers with 237 votes in favor Yulia Timoshenko resign.

Loss of the position of Prime Minister in March 2010. Yulia Tymoshenko's transition to the opposition

Despite the fact that in the 2007 parliamentary elections the majority could have formed the BYuT and Our Ukraine-People's Self-Defense factions, the Orange were again unable to come to an agreement.
On March 11, 2010, the coalition “Stability and Reforms” was created (Party of Regions, Communist Party, Lytvyn Bloc, individual deputies who left the BYuT and NUNS factions). On the same day, the coalition formed the Cabinet of Ministers of N. Azarov.
BYuT and “Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense” announced an “anti-constitutional coup in parliament and government.”

Criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko since 2010

On April 28, 2010, Prime Minister of Ukraine N. Ya. Azarov stated that the actions of the Tymoshenko government caused damage to the state of 100 billion hryvnia, and therefore Tymoshenko and officials should be held criminally liable. May 12, 2010 Yulia Timoshenko The Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine handed over a resolution to initiate a criminal case against her on charges of attempting to bribe judges (precisely an “attempt”, and not regarding the “fact of a bribe”) in 2003-2004, although this case had already been closed back in 2004 , under President Kuchma.

By the fall of 2010, after the local elections (September 30), the Azarov government (KRU of the Ministry of Finance) completed the audit of Tymoshenko’s Cabinet of Ministers (two companies from the United States were involved in the audit). It is characteristic that the US Embassy dissociated itself from these companies. At the end of the audit of the KRU of the Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, UAH 43 billion was announced. "abuse". However, a month later, the amount was reduced by more than ten times, and it turned out not to be “theft”, but to misuse funds (320 million euros) received from the sale of greenhouse gas emission quotas to Japan under the Kyoto Protocol. The money was sent to the Pension Fund of Ukraine. According to the rules of the Kyoto Protocol, this money should have been used for planting forests. The General Prosecutor's Office no longer accuses Yu. V. Tymoshenko of embezzling money or causing damage; the basis of the accusation is the misuse of funds.

December 2, 2010 Yu. V. Timoshenko was summoned for the first interrogation regarding the “Kyoto Protocol money.” On December 30, 2010 (New Year's Eve), she was interrogated for 12 hours (from 12:00 to 24:00).
A total of one and a half dozen associates from Tymoshenko’s Cabinet of Ministers were arrested and are in pretrial detention (1-6 months). Mostly, accusations are made of abuse of power.
* On December 30, 2010, the US State Department reported concerns to the Ukrainian government that "prosecutions should not be selective or politically motivated."
* On January 13, 2011, the Czech Republic “granted political asylum” to ex-Minister of Economy Bogdan Danylyshyn.
* On June 24, 2011, the US State Department stated that the trial of Yu. Tymoshenko is a politically motivated trial of representatives of the opposition.

Arrest of Yulia Tymoshenko on August 5, 2011

On August 5, 2011 (at 16:08), the Pechersk court decided to arrest Yu. Tymoshenko in the courtroom - “for systemic violations of the defendant, in particular, she interfered with the interrogation of witnesses.” Tymoshenko herself stated that she was arrested because during the “interrogation of Azarov” (which took place in the morning) she asked him a question about his “corrupt connections with RosUkrEnergo” and about the business of “Azarov’s son.” After the arrest, deputy Vlasenko read out “Tymoshenko’s statement that she would ‘never commit suicide’.”
On August 17, 2011, ex-President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko proposed that the court call Gazprom head Alexei Miller and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin as witnesses. The representative of the prosecution in the gas case against the ex-prime minister, prosecutor Mikhail Shorin, does not see the need for this.

On the same day (5.8.2011) the following statements were made:
- Most opposition politicians in Ukraine (except Yushchenko and Tyagnibok) spoke out sharply against Tymoshenko’s arrest.
- BYuT-Batkivshchyna announced unlimited protests - and set up a “tent city” (about 20 tents) on Khreshchatyk.
- The largest organization of small and medium-sized businesses “Common Cause” (organizers of mass protests “Tax Maidan-2010”) - announced the mobilization of supporters and the holding of a general rally on August 8, 2011 at 10:00 (Monday, on this day the trial of Yu. Tymoshenko will continue ).
- The “World Congress of Ukrainians” called for the immediate release of ex-Prime Minister Tymoshenko.
- Freedom House expressed outrage at Tymoshenko’s arrest; and called for her immediate release.
- EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, Vice-President of the European Commission Catherine Ashton and European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighborhood Policy Stefan Füle issued a statement: “We are extremely concerned by reports of today’s events in the Pechersk court, which resulted in the arrest Yulia Tymoshenko, leader of the Batkivshchyna party.
- The Russian Foreign Ministry, a few hours after Tymoshenko’s arrest, stated that “all “gas” agreements of 2009 were concluded in strict accordance with the national legislation of the two states and international law, and the necessary instructions for their signing were received from the Presidents of Russia and Ukraine.”

Verdict of Yulia Tymoshenko

On October 11, 2011, Tymoshenko was found guilty of abuse of power: in 2009, on behalf of the Ukrainian government, she entered into agreements with the Russian government, which, according to the prosecution, were contrary to the national interests of Ukraine, as a result of which the country lost almost two hundred million dollars. The court, at the request of the State Prosecution, sentenced Yulia Tymoshenko to 7 years in prison, as well as compensation for damages to Naftogaz in the amount of $189.5 million.
The European Union noted that the charges were not examined in the European court, and characterized the decision of the Ukrainian court as politically motivated. The same opinion was stated by international human rights organizations Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. The European Union said the situation could lead to the cancellation of Ukraine's association agreement with the EU.

The Russian Foreign Ministry, commenting on the verdict, stated that the Pechersk court essentially convicted Tymoshenko “for the legally binding agreements between OJSC Gazprom and NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine that have not been canceled by anyone.” According to the Foreign Ministry, the court “ignored convincing evidence” that the gas agreements between Russia and Ukraine, concluded in 2009 with the participation of Tymoshenko, “were formalized in strict accordance with the legislation of Russia and Ukraine and applicable international law.”

The theme of the corporation is “Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine” (UESU)
In 1991, Yu. Tymoshenko, together with her husband, established the Ukrainian Gasoline corporation (commercial, general director), which by 1995 turned into the industrial and financial corporation Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) with a turnover of $11 billion and, with the support of the party chairman "Hromada", the Prime Minister of Ukraine Pavel Lazarenko, had a monopoly on the trade of Russian natural gas in Ukraine.

In 1995-1997, Yu. Timoshenko was president of the UESU corporation.

2000-2005

On December 30, 1999, she was appointed Deputy Prime Minister for the Heat and Power Complex in the government of Viktor Yushchenko. Yulia Timoshenko carried out streamlining of affairs in the fuel and energy complex and mobilized significant sums into the state budget. These actions caused resistance from President Kuchma's team. In August 2000, the husband of Yu. Timoshenko was arrested (“UESU case of 1995-1997”; released from pre-trial detention center without trial on August 8, 2001); On January 19, 2001, Tymoshenko was relieved of her post, and on February 13, she was sent to a pre-trial detention center on charges that, when she was the head of the UESU in 1995-1997, she carried out “smuggling of Russian gas to Ukraine”:

* In 2001 - Initial charges: “smuggling of Russian natural gas, tax evasion on an especially large scale, official forgery.” Initially, the “amount of tax evasion” was determined to be about $30 million, but later, when President Kuchma’s struggle against ex-Prime Minister Lazarenko began, three fines were imposed on the UESU corporation, which in total reached almost a billion dollars.
* In 2003, “natural gas smuggling” was reclassified as “seizure of someone else’s property through abuse of official position and on an especially large scale.”
* In 2005, independent investigations in a number of Ukrainian media showed that the amount in dispute ranges from 5.2 billion to 8 billion hryvnia, and the amount itself is not a debt, but is penalties calculated by the KRU against the UESU based on the results of 3 inspections.

On March 27, 2001, the Pechersky District Court of Kyiv canceled the arrest warrant for Tymoshenko, recognizing the charges brought against her as unfounded and she was released (after serving 42 days in a pre-trial detention center).

April 30, 2002 The Kiev-Svyatoshinsky Court of the Kyiv Region drops all charges brought by the Prosecutor General's Office against Yulia Tymoshenko and her husband.

On April 9, 2003, the Kyiv Court of Appeal confirmed the decision to invalidate and cancel the criminal case against Yulia Tymoshenko and her husband.

In September 2004, Tymoshenko filed a lawsuit against the actions of the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine.

Criminal case against Yu. Timoshenko in Russia

In June 2004 (before the start of the presidential elections in Ukraine), the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia put Tymoshenko on the international wanted list on charges of “giving a bribe to high-ranking officials of the Russian Ministry of Defense in order to conclude a contract for the supply of construction materials at clearly inflated prices.” In Ukraine, the case against Tymoshenko was closed shortly after the victory of the Orange Revolution, and the criminal case of the Russian prosecutor's office was closed in December 2005 due to the expiration of the statute of limitations.

At the end of January 2005, two days after the appointment of Tymoshenko and... O. Prime Minister, Prosecutor General of Russia Ustinov said that if Tymoshenko comes to Russia, she will be arrested. However, on February 15, after the Verkhovna Rada confirmed Tymoshenko in office, Prosecutor General Ustinov said that “there will be no problems if she wants to come to Moscow.” But the criminal case was not closed. “The possibility of Tymoshenko’s arrival and the continuation of the criminal investigation against her are in no way connected with each other, the investigation will continue,” Ustinov noted then.

On March 19, Russian President V. Putin visited Kyiv. In particular, Vladimir Putin met with Yulia Tymoshenko for the first time. Their negotiations were successful - Yulia Tymoshenko stated that there were no unsolvable problems between Ukraine and Russia. She assured the guest of her readiness to support all Russian initiatives discussed during the visit, except for the creation of the Common Economic Space.

On April 4, 2005, while President Viktor Yushchenko was leaving for a visit to the United States, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that she had received an invitation to make a working visit to Russia, where she planned to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov, as well as with representatives of the Russian Federation. Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. The agreed date for the visit was April 14-15.

But on April 11, Prosecutor General Ustinov made a statement that the case against Tymoshenko had not been closed: “She is still wanted.” True, he immediately added that the visit “will be carried out in accordance with protocol and international standards.”

On April 13 it became known that the visit was postponed. President Yushchenko, in a televised speech on April 13, asked the Prime Minister to refrain from traveling abroad “due to the need to organize a large volume of spring field work in a short time, as well as urgently resolve problems in the oil products market.” Also, the Minister of Economy of Ukraine, Sergei Terekhin, said: “When such statements by the prosecutor are made before the prime minister’s first visit to Russia, this is an international scandal.”

On April 20, it was announced that instead of Tymoshenko, Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (NSDC) Petro Poroshenko would visit Moscow.
In the end Yulia Timoshenko visited Russia only after leaving the post of prime minister, in September 2005. In Moscow, she met with representatives of the Prosecutor General's Office, answered their questions and, according to Tymoshenko, all charges against her were dropped.
The Main Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia announced only on December 26, 2005 that the criminal case against Yulia Tymoshenko in Russia was terminated due to the expiration of the statute of limitations.
However, the lawyer Yulia Timoshenko suggests that in order to close the unpromising case, prosecutors apparently had to reclassify him.
“The statute of limitations on the case expires only in the fall of next year,” he explained. - “Investigators could reclassify it from Part 2 of Article 291 of the Criminal Code of Russia (“Giving a bribe”) to Part 1 of the same article - less serious, according to which the statute of limitations is no longer calculated at ten, but six years.”

Criminal case against Pavel Lazarenko in the USA

According to the press bureau of the newspaper "2000" and information posted on the newspaper forum, according to US District Court Case No. 1:04-cv-00798-PLF, Washington, DC, opened on July 30, 2005 (claim against Pavel Lazarenko), Yulia Timoshenko(see Art. 36) is an accomplice in the UESU and ITERA energy schemes and making payments to Lazarenko in the amount of $162 million:

Excerpt from the indictment in the case of Pavel Ivanovich Lazarenko, former Prime Minister of Ukraine:

36. During Lazarenko’s tenure as Deputy Prime Minister for Energy, Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) was a special corporation that had various privileges, including the authority to supply natural gas to the Dnepropetrovsk region. The UESU Corporation was under the control of Yulia Tymoshenko and other Lazarenko accomplices. From approximately December 1995 until 1997, UESU received natural gas from RAO Gazprom under contracts concluded under the authority of the corporation. In addition, on or about December 31, 1996, Ukrainian Prime Minister Pavel Lazarenko initiated the issuance of a state guarantee in the amount of US$200 million (the beneficiary was RAO Gazprom) for the supply of natural gas to the UESU, thereby forcing the Ukrainian government to assume debts UESU in front of RAO Gazprom.

37. Beginning in January 1996, UESU Corporation transferred the rights to imported natural gas to United Energy International (UEIL), the owner of 85% of UESU shares. It was founded on October 17, 1995 by order of Yulia Tymoshenko. The company illegally directed payments received from Ukrainian customers for natural gas supplied by UESU to bank accounts owned by UEIL. From April 8, 1996 to December 31, 1996, instead of paying RAO Gazprom for gas supplied with money received by UEIL, UEIL transferred approximately $140 million to the Cypriot company Somoli Enterprises, registered in Cyprus on October 8, 1992 and under control of Yulia Tymoshenko and other persons.

38. Subsequently (1996-1997), Tymoshenko and her associates used enterprises they controlled (not only UESU, UEIL and Somoli Enterprises) to make payments to Lazarenko in the amount of at least $162 million. Lazarenko received such funds through his position as a government official in Ukraine.

On February 21, 2007, the UNIAN news agency published a message with comments from the press attache of the US Embassy in Ukraine, John Sullivan, which noted the absence of charges against Yu. Tymoshenko and any investigations against her to date.

On February 23, 2007, at the morning meeting of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, an open letter was read out to the US Ambassador to Ukraine W. Taylor, signed by representatives of the factions of the “anti-crisis” coalition - the Party of Regions, the SPU and the Communist Party of Ukraine - with a request to confirm Tymoshenko’s status in the Lazarenko case.

On March 1, 2007, the website of the US Embassy in Ukraine published Ambassador W. Taylor’s response to a letter from representatives of the “anti-crisis” coalition factions, from which it follows that Yulia Timoshenko was not a participant in the process in the case of Pavel Lazarenko; materials from court hearings in this case posted on the Internet should not be considered in isolation from the context; they were used in the trial to collect the necessary evidence in the case of Mr. Lazarenko; case is closed.

[edit] V. Yushchenko's accusations against Y. Tymoshenko (2005)

After the resignation of the government of Yulia Tymoshenko, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, in an interview with the Associated Press on September 13, 2005, accused Tymoshenko of using the position of prime minister to write off the debts of her former company Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) to the state budget for the amount of 8 billion hryvnia (1.6 billion dollars). Yushchenko's statement had no continuation, although Yushchenko, as president, had the opportunity to influence the Security Service of Ukraine and the Prosecutor General's Office. Tymoshenko herself chose not to respond to the accusations, but stated that Yushchenko was using the same methods against her that the Kuchma administration had previously used.

Attempts at serious investigations in a number of Ukrainian media showed that the amount of the disputed amount ranges from 5.2 billion to 8 billion hryvnia, and the amount itself is not a debt, but is penalties calculated by the KRU against UESU based on the results of 3 inspections.

[edit] Family

* Husband - Alexander Timoshenko (born June 11, 1960), married Yulia Telegina in 1979 (at the same time Yulia Telegina changed her last name to Timoshenko), a businessman with considerable experience.
* Daughter - Evgenia Carr (Tymoshenko) (born February 20, 1980), a graduate of the London School of Economics (with a degree in politics and philosophy).
* Son-in-law - Englishman Sean Carr (born August 10, 1968) - rock musician (leader of the British group Death Valley Screamers), owner of several shops.

[edit] Politicians, political scientists, press about Yu. Timoshenko
[edit] Politicians, political scientists
Yulia Tymoshenko with a loose braid, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, January 11, 2007 - on this day BYuT made a lot of efforts to begin the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada, about this day political scientist Fesenko said: “By letting her braid loose, Tymoshenko started the intrigue of 2007.”
Style problems
This article or section contains too many quotes or quotes that are too long.
Excessive and overly large quotations should be summarized and rewritten in your own words.
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* “Yulia Vladimirovna is my political partner, as it was written in the biographies of the CPSU (b), my political friend, a professional person. I had the opportunity to work with her in the government in 1999-2001, where she was responsible for one of the resonant areas - the fuel and energy complex. I remember the state it was in, they paid 5% in funds, the rest was either stolen or paid in felt boots and casings; when we left, 80% worked. We went through a difficult campaign, I trust and believe in her! I trust like millions of people, and I think that Yulia Vladimirovna is aware of her responsibility to millions of pairs of eyes, they expect that the new government will be honest and will bring a solution to the problems that my nation has been facing for 14 years.” President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, February 4, 2005, at the presentation of Yu. Tymoshenko’s candidacy for the post of Prime Minister in the Verkhovna Rada.
* “I hate to talk about this, I’m tired of this politics of adventures and intrigues.” President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, March 7, 2008, interview with Ukrainian journalists in Dushanbe.
* “You can love or not love Yulia Vladimirovna, respect or not respect, share her views or not. But you can’t say she’s a stupid woman.” Rinat Akhmetov, one of the leaders of the Party of Regions, on February 4, 2005, in an interview with the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper in Donbass, No. 10.
* When in April 2007 Yu. Tymoshenko achieved the appointment of a date for re-election of the Verkhovna Rada (and therefore a change in the coalition of “communists, socialists, and the Party of Regions”), on April 3, 2007, socialist A. Baranivsky (opponent of BYuT) ended his speech in the Verkhovna Rada with a poem ( author unknown):

“Yulia’s appearance is deceiving,
Because female flesh is fragile,
Yulina's nature conceals -
The unity of a tank with a meat grinder."
The poem has several versions and has become quite famous.

* “The only thing effective in this government is the Prime Minister. These are ministerial passengers on a cart that she (Tymoshenko) will pull.” Yanukovych supporter Nestor Shufrich, at that time a deputy from the SDPU(o), later a deputy from the Party of Regions.
* “Tymoshenko has a great mission - to give Ukrainians a vaccine against miracles” - Dmitry Vydrin, political scientist, MP from BYuT since March 2006, expelled from the faction in 2007.
* “Unfortunately, there has been no face of the faction (NSNU) since Our Ukraine succumbed to Tymoshenko’s irrepressible, dimensionless adventurism. “Our Ukraine” has lost its face. And until the faction crawls out from under Tymoshenko’s skirt, it will not find its face.” Golovaty, Sergey Petrovich, at that time (beginning of 2006) Minister of Justice of Ukraine in the Cabinet of Ministers of Yekhanurov, on September 30, 2007, elected as a deputy on the list of the Party of Regions, Chairman of the National Commission for Strengthening Democracy and Promoting the Rule of Law, Vice-President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) .
* “11 years of experience in politics gives me the right not to vote for Tymoshenko if her candidacy for the post of prime minister is nominated in the Verkhovna Rada... I do not accept the methods and mechanisms of management of Yulia Tymoshenko... Yulia Vladimirovna is a blackmailer in life. Remember Tymoshenko’s style in relation to Pavel Lazarenko - this is blackmail, blackmail again, and then the rest... She is a good public politician, but she has never been able to develop systems for protecting people. This was clearly demonstrated on March 9, 2001, when people were thrown at the military.” Yushchenko supporter Roman Bessmertny, interview with French. Agence France-Presse 01/25/2005.
* “From the very beginning I was opposed to Tymoshenko coming to us during the election campaign (2004) ... Tymoshenko managed to implement her plan, which she had originally planned. It was initially purely technological: extortion, blackmail, an attempt to make everything a sensation, to constantly excite society... My task and Bezsmertny’s was to film Tymoshenko’s provocations on the streets. We were worried that blood would not be shed, and Tymoshenko provoked us to storm something or go on the attack. We were constantly in a tense state so that with her “shabls” she would not lead the people somewhere, so that blood would not be shed.” Yushchenko supporter Zhvania, David Vazhaevich, ex-Minister of Emergency Situations of Ukraine, interview with Ukrainska Pravda 09/15/2005.
* “...She called it biomass. She also treated the people who stood on the Maidan. Therefore, she is not the leader of the Maidan, she is a traitor to the Maidan. Tymoshenko insisted that there is no revolution without blood. Like, “so what?” Well, 1000 people will die, biomass is biomass.” She constantly said that the people are a screen... They wanted to hold the Maidan until Tymoshenko was appointed prime minister. This was the first blackmail. She even blackmailed her with the Maidan to appoint her as prime minister... I don’t want to comment on the president’s decision as to why he appointed Tymoshenko. But I think that one of the reasons for her appointment was also blackmail. All Tymoshenko’s actions, all her appointments were direct blackmail.” Zhvania, ex-Minister of Emergency Situations of Ukraine - interview with Ukrayinska Pravda 09/15/2005.
* “Part of society lives in populism and under conditions of populism. Tell me, is there at least one political force in a European or Asian state named after a living figure? No!" - socialist Shibko, Vitaliy, SPU faction, chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Foreign Affairs, 04/13/2007 -
* “Remember, when after the presidential elections and after the betrayal of Moroz there were attempts to glue the coalition together by signing a memorandum, then everything was done transparently. Political leaders and elders of the state, under the gun of cameras, discussed every comma, but Tymoshenko was very critical of this,” “Now at the dacha, the two of them are cooking up who knows what, so people are numb with shock. Do you know when mice spoil flour? When the barn is dark." People's Deputy from the NU-NS Bloc faction Liliya Grigorovich, June 4, 2009.
* “The public is surprised by the silence of the head of government, Yulia Tymoshenko, who has not yet assessed the actions of the Minister of Internal Affairs, who committed a drunken brawl in Germany and disgraced the Ukrainian state. An attempt to silence the German Lutsenko scandal on the part of Yulia Tymoshenko may indicate her very frivolous attitude towards moral principles and principles dear to Ukrainians.” This is stated in the statement of the Party of Regions, posted on their official website.
* In June 2008, the chairman of the Russian government, V. Putin, said that Tymoshenko is “a self-sufficient, very effective and popular politician in his country.”

[edit] Press

* From an article by Le Mond during Tymoshenko’s first foreign trip (to France, June 14, 2005): “Rich, beautiful and adored by millions of fans throughout the country, Yulia Tymoshenko became Prime Minister of Ukraine at the age of 44”; “Rising to the heights of popularity in December 2004 on the main square of Kyiv, consecrated as the “female symbol of Ukraine” by the Cossacks, “Yulia”, as they say in the country, has unprecedented popularity among her compatriots”; “Yulia Tymoshenko’s determination has become the reason that Yulia Tymoshenko’s male colleagues in parliament call her “the only man in the Verkhovna Rada””; “Russia must understand that it will not achieve anything if it continues to use methods worthy of the Stalin era against its closest neighbors,” says Yulia Tymoshenko in an interview with a French newspaper; “And when asked who her favorite heroine is, she answers without a doubt that it is Joan of Arc, “the pure embodiment of patriotism.” Ukraine and France, says Yulia Tymoshenko, have much in common, “founded by our revolutions.”
* Your mother! Yulia Timoshenko- “Mirror of the Week”, No. 44 (623) dated November 18, 2006
* For Ukraine: Tymoshenko forgot that Yanukovych “stole money at a speed of $60 per second” from June 1, 2009.

Articles, interview with Yu. Timoshenko

* Containing Russia. Translation from English. 2007
* Yulia Tymoshenko: “Russia does not need to be afraid of us” - Izvestia. RU, December 9, 2004
* “Sowing”: before, after and instead. Interview with Yulia Tymoshenko - “Mirror of the Week”, No. 14 (542), Saturday, April 16-22, 2005
* We must give people a chance to evaluate the government and the opposition in the elections Yulia Timoshenko- “Mirror of the Week”, No. 44 (469) dated November 15, 2003
* “Pipe” - Ukrainian economic independence. Yulia Tymoshenko - “Mirror of the Week”, No. 24 (399) dated June 28, 2002.
* Defendant No. 1. Interview with Yulia Tymoshenko about the trial. June 18, 2011.
* Letter from a Kyiv prison.

[edit] In popular culture

Nicknames of Yuri Timoshenko:

* “gas princess” (nickname from the mid-1990s);
* “Iron Lady” and “Lady Yu” (nicknames popular in the early 2000s, when Tymoshenko took the post of Deputy Prime Minister);
* nicknames in the press of the European Union and the United States during the Orange Revolution of 2004: “icon of the Orange Revolution”, “Slavic Madonna”, “lady with a braid”;
* “the only man in Ukrainian politics” (the nickname appeared in the spring of 2005, when Tymoshenko was opposed to both Yanukovych and Yushchenko). In particular, Leonid Kuchma spoke of Tymoshenko: “the only man in Ukrainian politics.”

Yulia Timoshenko is the main character of Andrei Lazarchuk’s story “Cherevichki” and Oles Buzina’s special project “Viktor Andreevich and his team.”
[edit] Documentary films about Yuri Timoshenko

* 2009 - documentary "Julia" American film about Yulia Timoshenko- a professional film from the film studio “Coppola Productions” in support of Yu. Timoshenko; the main film in support of her in the 2010 presidential elections.
* 2009 - journalistic film “Stolen Popcorn” (on video.i.ua) - the film is based on the “Lazarenko case in the USA”; created for the “2010 presidential elections” as “the main compromising evidence on Tymoshenko” (although in fact, the film does not contain any facts about “Tymoshenko’s corruption”). It is significant that “no compromising evidence was found on Tymoshenko in the period ‘after Lazarenko,’ that is, after 1996.”
* 2009 - journalistic film “I served time for Tymoshenko” - Georgy Oleinik on YouTube. - the film was created for the “2010 presidential elections” as “compromising evidence on Tymoshenko on the UESU business in Russia” in 1996.
* 2011 - Documentary film-research “Why Yulia is being judged” - “ATN”, Kharkov, 2011.

Interesting Facts

* In 2006, during the election campaign, television channels showed a video clip “Yulia” by the group XS, and on the head of one of the participants was exactly the same braid as Tymoshenko’s.
* In 2007, the Ukrainian group “Quin$” together with the Ukrainian singer Nastya Kamenskikh sang Yulia Tymoshenko's anthem "Yulia".
* On April 16, 2008, at the PACE session in Strasbourg, to K. Kosachev’s question about Ukrainization and the Russian language in Ukraine, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko replied: “In Ukraine there are still no people in the world for food.” (And in Ukraine they eat babies for breakfast).
* On May 16, 2008, Tymoshenko stated: “a team of scientists has developed a technology for producing biofuel from a special type of algae. This is algae that grows in pipes and doesn’t even touch the ground.” Allegedly, the cost of diesel fuel made from algae “will be 2 UAH,” and the quality is “much better” than from oil.* Yulia Vladimirovna stated that “If you consider that Yanukovych [Prime Minister] was in power for 16 months, then they stole at a speed of $60 per second. This is without interruption for sleep, food and vacation. If you take these 10.2 billion in 100-hryvnia bills, then the weight of money of this volume will be 100 tons, and if all the bills are put in one stack, you will get a pyramid that is 7 times higher than the Eiffel Tower!
* On the air of the 1+1 TV channel on March 27, 2008, she told a well-known joke about how a rat differs from a hamster - in essence, nothing, only a rat has bad PR.
* On February 2, 2010 in Ivano-Frankivsk, before the second round of the presidential elections, she stated that her rival Yanukovych is an enemy of Ukraine: “I have the only enemy, who at the same time, I am sure, is an enemy of Ukraine, and nothing has changed since 2004, this is Viktor Yanukovych.”
* During the armed conflict between Russia and Georgia, Prime Minister Tymoshenko did not make a single statement that would be directed against Russia, which led to accusations from the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine of high treason and collusion with Russia. Responding to the accusations, Tymoshenko said that “such statements by petty officials do not need comments, but the services of a good carpenter to change the sign of the Presidential Secretariat to Ward No. 6.” The Prime Minister considers such accusations absurd and complete nonsense, and does not want to comment on them, so as not to become an accomplice to the absurdity. (2008)
* According to the State Department of Ukraine for the Execution of Sentences, according to voting data in prisons, in the first round of the 2010 presidential elections in Ukraine, Yulia Tymoshenko won by a large margin. Just over 50% of prisoners voted for her, about 25% of prisoners supported Viktor Yanukovych, about 3% - Sergei Tigipko, and more than 10% voted against all presidential candidates.
* On January 19, 2010, a scandal broke out in the Verkhovna Rada over Georgian citizens sent to the presidential elections on January 17, 2010 as observers. According to deputy V. Sivkovich, who presented to the Rada a recording and printout of the conversation between M. Saakashvili and Y. Tymoshenko, observers from Georgia were “ordered” by Tymoshenko.
* On January 29, 2011, Yulia Tymoshenko handed over to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, through the deputy head of his administration Anna German, the book by Mario Vargas Llosa “The Wicked, or the Feast of the Goat.”

I will briefly describe the topic of the ethnic roots of the most influential woman in Ukraine - Yulia Tymoshenko, who strongly supports the Ukrainization of the country and emphasizes her negative attitude towards Russians. Personally, I think she is a nice woman.

In one of her interviews, Tymoshenko admitted that she learned “Ukrainian language” only in 1999.

Today, when a coup is taking place in the country, and almost no one doubts Tymoshenko’s claims to the highest post of the Ukrainian state, the pro-government media of Ukraine are trying in every possible way to hush up this topic. In fact, Dnepropetrovsk native Yulia Timoshenko is of mixed Russian-Armenian origin. Her parents' surnames were Grigyan and Telegina. However, Yulia, at one time, managed to marry the son of the Dnepropetrovsk “boss” Tymoshenko, thanks to which she received a sonorous “national” surname.

Yulia herself flatly refuses her maiden name and claims that her father was “a Latvian in the 10th generation,” and Grigyan is just a mistake made at the passport office. In fact, the girl was supposed to bear the family name Grigyanis. However, as it turned out, Tymoshenko’s father, whom she pretends to be a Latvian, is named Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan. And it is quite obvious that you can go around all of Latvia and not find a single Baltic named Abram Grigyan (the name of Timoshenko’s grandfather).

Regarding the mother, the leader of the Batkivshchyna party says little, but claims that she was a native Ukrainian, although Telegin’s surname and information from various sources claiming that Yulia’s mother was Jewish do not confirm this.

The question arises: where did Tymoshenko’s penchant for nationalism and hatred of other peoples come from - was it because Jews and Armenians were persecuted for many years? In any case, the truth still comes out, and humorous comments on this topic have already begun to appear on the Internet:

“What happens if you mix Armenian and Jewish blood? Answer: Ukrainian."

Commenting on the beating of a Jewish youth in Kyiv, Yevgeny Chervonenko said: “I am very surprised that there was no such reaction from the government itself and the prime minister. Moreover, Yulia Tymoshenko’s mother is Jewish, and her father is Armenian.”

At the end of August 2005, a report appeared in the media that Yulia Vladimirovna’s fellow countryman Evgeniy Alfredovich Chervonenko, who never denied his Jewish origin, publicly stated that Tymoshenko is Jewish. Naturally, the press service of “Batkivshchyna” was forced to make a response statement, which stated that Yulia Vladimirovna’s father was Latvian and her mother was Ukrainian. Subsequently, Tymoshenko herself confirmed this, clarifying that her father “is Latvian in his line to the hundredth generation.” True, she later limited this information to the tenth generation. About her maiden name, Tymoshenko said that earlier it sounded like Grigyas or Grigyanis, but during the communist regime and due to repression, the letter “s” at the end of the word was replaced by “n” and as a result, she turned into Grigyan. This statement led to many journalistic investigations. But that’s not what we’re talking about now. Let’s look at this situation from the other side. If Tymoshenko's father is actually Latvian, then why was her grandfather called Abram? Tell me, how many Latvians do you know with the purely Jewish name Abram? I am sure that you can go around all of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and not find a single indigenous resident with the name Abram and the surname Grigyan. This is because this surname is not typical for residents of the Baltic countries, but at the same time it is quite common among Armenian Jews. There are especially many of them in Nagorno-Karabakh. Local ethnographer Lev Azatyan says that the Grigyans are a famous “gerdastan” (clan) in Karabakh, which is of aristocratic origin. “Representatives of the Grigyan family, mainly settled in the Askeran region, valiantly participated in the fight against the Ottomans, contributed to the defense of Karabakh in 1918-1921, took part in the political resistance to the subordination of Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 1923 and were repressed for this during the period of Stalinism ",- said Azatyan. Today, there are several dozen Grigyan families in Nagorno-Karabakh. In Yerevan, only one couple with this surname was found, and some experts claim that the Grigyan surname is often found among Bessarabian Jews and Gypsies. To justify Yulina’s words, it is worth noting that in Moldova there are also no residents with the last name Grigyan. I cannot help but quote Shimon Briman, a correspondent for the Israeli Russian-language newspaper Vesti, a direct eyewitness of the Orange Revolution: “In two Jewish communities they told me, in great confidence, that Yulia Tymoshenko is a halakhic Jew. Nothing surprising. If the orange synagogue helps the rebels, then Why shouldn’t a Jewish woman lead the Ukrainian national movement?» Also in 2005, Chaim Graetz wrote that “The Greater Israel that the hyper-Zionists plan to build needs a strong and independent ally in its region. This, in their opinion, could become “Tymoshenko’s Ukraine”.It is known in Israel there are documents confirming that Yulia Tymoshenko is a “halakhic Jew” . These papers are nothing more than copies from the originals of Ukrainian archives. I will use exclusively parts of those documents that can be found in the vastness of the former USSR. I am sure that many will be interested in knowing the truth about the family of Yulia Tymoshenko, whether it was deliberately or accidentally confused by her. After all, you must agree that it would be unfair if the roots of the leader of the Ukrainian opposition were torn off at the second generation.

So, let's begin!

Father of Yulia Tymoshenko: Was born Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan December 3, 1937 In his biography he indicated that he was Latvian by nationality. Volodya's childhood was during the war and during the German occupation he and his mother lived in Dnepropetrovsk. Vladimir Grigyan went to school in 1945. In high school he was accepted as a member of the Komsomol. After the 10th grade, I went to work at the Dnepropetrovsk confectionery factory as a simple worker. At the same time, he studied at the evening department of the Dnepropetrovsk Institute of Chemical Technology, but tried in every possible way to transfer to the full-time department. This fact is confirmed by a letter from the military commissar of Dnepropetrovsk, addressed to the director of the Dnepropetrovsk Institute of Chemical Technology, sent on November 2, 1955 under No. FD 11958, which stated:

“The son of a deceased serviceman, Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, born in 1937, is studying at the evening department of the institute entrusted to you. I ask, as an exception, to transfer him from the evening to the day department.”

Apparently, the matter was not resolved positively. This conclusion can be drawn from the order of the rector of the Dnepropetrovsk Institute of Chemical Technology No. 389 dated September 27, 1956:

“1st year student of group 1-P-1 of the evening faculty Grigyan V.A. be expelled from the student body for not returning from summer vacation. Reason: resolution of the dean of evening and correspondence faculties - Petrovsky A.V.”Signature. 09/25/1956

There is also a certificate issued by the Dnepropetrovsk regional military registration and enlistment office dated September 1, 1955, which states that Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan was an orphan, and his father (Yulia Vladimirovna’s grandfather) died during the war.

This document clearly indicates that the father of Vladimir Grigyan (grandfather of Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko) was Kapitelman Abram Kelmanovich.

Yulia Tymoshenko's paternal grandfather Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman. There is little information about this relative of the respected Mrs. Tymoshenko. Vladimir Grigyan writes in his autobiography:

“My father, Kapitelman Abram Kelmanovich, was born in 1914. Before the Great Patriotic War, he graduated from a food technical school and worked at the Dnepropetrovsk confectionery factory. In 1935 he entered Dnepropetrovsk State University, from which he graduated in 1940. After graduating from the state university, he was sent to work in the city of Snyatyn as a school director. That same year he was drafted into the army. In 1944, my father died with the rank of senior communications lieutenant.”

Vladimir Grigyan indicated this information wherever he studied, worked or was registered. This is what the son wrote about his father. But if there are documents written by Vladimir Grigyan, then, based on the simplest logic, there should be similar ones to A.K. himself. Kapitelman. Unfortunately, I personally do not know their whereabouts. But there can be no doubt that they still exist. So, in 1940, A.K. Kapitelman was sent to work in the town of Snyatyn, Ivano-Frankivsk (at that time Stanislavskaya) region as director of the third Jewish school. Unfortunately, the regional state archive did not preserve documents about schools and the district education department for the period 1940-1941. Apparently, they were lost during the German occupation. There is also a possibility that they may be stored among the papers of the Snyatyn Gestapo in the archives of the former KGB (in the Ivano-Frankivsk department of the SBU). Alas, access to these archives is strictly limited and can only be obtained by relatives or employees of government agencies for official reasons. In addition, among the people who studied at the Snyatyn secondary school in 1940, there may be those who remember their pre-war principal. Although, after so many years, few people will remember the director of the school, who worked there for only one quarter, since in the same year he was called up to serve in the Army. Where and how Abram Kapitelman died, as well as the location of his grave, is not clear . His last name is not in the “Books of Memory” of Dnepropetrovsk and the Dnepropetrovsk region. This suggests that A.K. Kapitelman was not a native of the Dnepropetrovsk region, but arrived here later.

Yulia Tymoshenko's paternal grandmother: Maria Iosifovna Grigyan was born in 1909 (as Y. Timoshenko’s father writes in his autobiography) and before the war she worked at the Dnepropetrovsk confectionery factory. A.K. himself also worked here. Kapitelman. There is no doubt that young people could meet and get married here. But most likely Abram Kelmanovich simply got his wife a job at the factory where he worked and probably already managed to make the “necessary” acquaintances. After the war, Maria Iosifovna continued to work at the same factory and held the position of workshop technologist. The exact date of the wedding could not be established, but it is known that on December 3, 1937, their son was born. At the local registry office he was registered under his mother's last name. Why they did this is not difficult to guess. After the revolution, Jews living in the USSR en masse changed their ancient Jewish surnames and took new ones - with a Russian sound. After the introduction of Soviet passports in 1936, this became more difficult, and during the period of mass repressions of 1937-1938. - almost impossible. However, even then there was little choice left - at the birth of a child, his nationality and surname could be written down as that of one of the parents. The Kapitelman spouses did not fail to take advantage of this. This is how the born Vladimir Kapitelman received the surname Grigyan.

Great-grandfather of Yulia Tymoshenko Iosif Iosifovich Grigyan: When Vladimir Grigyan was four months old, his grandfather Joseph Iosifovich Grigyan was sentenced to 10 years in labor camps (Maria Iosifovna’s father is Yulia Vladimirovna’s great-grandfather). It’s interesting, but in all the Soviet documents I discovered, my grandfather’s surname was written as “Grigyan” or “Grigan,” which is typical for that period, and was never written as “Grigyas,” as Tymoshenko once claimed. During the so-called Khrushchev Thaw, I.I. Grigyan filed an application for pardon, which was registered on May 27, 1963. Here is its full text (it was not possible to obtain copies of the original):

Prosecutor of the Dnepropetrovsk regionfrom Grigyan Joseph Iosifovichst. Kharkovskaya, 19, apt. 2,Dnepropetrovsk.

STATEMENT

In 1938, I was brought to trial for Article 58 as an enemy of the people and from April 1938 I was sentenced to 10 years (Case No. 409 of the ODTO of the Stalinist NKVD Railway). And I was released on January 7, 1948. To this day I don’t know why I was convicted and why I served 10 years. I only know one thing: I have never been an enemy of any people, especially the Soviet one. I'm already 80 years old. I am blind and deaf, I am heading towards the slope and I don’t want to die with such a stain, and therefore I ask you to take up my case and rehabilitate me.Signature. 27. V. 1963

Case I.I. Grigyan, on the instructions of the prosecutor's office, was reviewed by the KGB department and the relevant data was provided to the court. On October 4, 1963, Yulia Tymoshenko’s great-grandfather received an answer:

In these documents, attention is drawn to the fact that the surname of Yulia Vladimirovna’s great-grandfather is written both with “ya”, like Grigyan, and with “a” - Grigan. But the fact that in both cases we are talking about the same person is confirmed by the address where he lived: “Mr. Dnepropetrovsk, st. Kharkovskaya, 19, apt. 2.” In his explanations to the investigator in 1938, I.I. Grigyan also wrote that he was born in Riga, from where he was mobilized into the tsarist army in 1904. But he avoided service by paying the doctor 50 rubles, and was, allegedly due to illness, demobilized from the army. It should be noted that a cow at that time cost 10-15 rubles, which already indicates the fairly high wealth of the Grigyan family. The fact that Joseph Iosifovich bought off his obligation to defend the Fatherland in 1904 is in itself quite eloquent. And if we compare the fact of his great-grandfather’s corrupt actions with the current Russian military prosecutor’s office’s accusations against his granddaughter of bribing Russian generals and officers, then a reasonable question arises: maybe it runs in the family?

Paternal great-grandmother of Yulia Tymoshenko: From the materials of the prosecution of Yulia Tymoshenko’s great-grandfather it is known that at the time of his arrest in 1937, he had a registered marriage with Grigyan Elena Titovna, who was born in 1893 in the village of Martynovka, Kishenkovsky district, Poltava province, Ukrainian by nationality. At the time of her husband’s rehabilitation, she lived with him in Dnepropetrovsk. It can be assumed that Grigyan was born to these spouses. It was the same Maria Iosifovna who later became the wife of Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman, from whose marriage Yulia Vladimirovna’s father was born. But not everything fits here. According to the interrogation protocol of Elena Titovna Grigyan, it is known that she was born in 1893. And in the biography of Tymoshenko’s father it is indicated that his mother was born in 1909. It turns out that 16-year-old Poltava girl Elena gave birth to a daughter, Maria, Yulia Vladimirovna’s grandmother. But Joseph Iosifovich himself claimed that he came to Yekaterinoslav only in 1914, and before that he lived in Riga. How could Elena end up where I.I.’s family lived at that time? Grigyan? Apparently, we are dealing with errors in official documents, or with some very mysterious and dark story. It is likely that Elena Titovna was not the first wife of Joseph Iosifovich Grigyan, so his daughter Maria (born in 1909) may have nothing to do with her.

Brother of Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko: Paternal brother - Vladimir Vladimirovich Grigyan. Her father in 1965, after a divorce from Yulia Vladimirovna’s mother, remarried Lyudmila Vasilievna Voitenko. From this marriage they had a son, Vladimir. It is characteristic that Vladimir Vladimirovich Grigyan is recorded as Russian in all documents.

Conclusions from the study of Yulia Tymoshenko’s paternal line: The family tree of Yulia Tymoshenko's paternal line consists of two main branches: grandfather Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman and grandmother Maria Iosifovna Grigyan. Everything is clear about my grandfather’s origin; he is Jewish by nationality. As for the grandmother, not everything is simple here. The investigation documents in the case of Maria Iosifovna’s father indicate that he was Latvian. But the surname Grigyan and the name Joseph Iosifovich are very difficult to call Latvian. This surname is of distinct Armenian origin. The question arises: how did the Grigyans get from Armenia to Latvia? There is nothing surprising here. Before the First World War, the Caucasus, like the Baltic states, were part of the Russian Empire. Within its borders, subjects had the opportunity to move freely. Particularly active in this regard were the trading people, who mainly consisted of Jews. The media also reported that the surname Grigyan belonged to Armenian or Caucasian Jews. Perhaps The most important thing in the history of Yulia Vladimirovna’s family is the change of surname from Kapitelman to Grigyan. This step of her grandfather is not typical of Slavic traditions. That is, if it weren’t for grandfather, then Before marriage, Yulia Vladimirovna could have had the surname Kapitelman.

History of the Tymoshenko family on the mother’s side:

Mother Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina (Grigyan, Nelepova).

Very little is known about Yulia Tymoshenko’s birth mother. She was born on August 11, 1937 in Dnepropetrovsk, into the Nelepov family. Having married at the age of 18, Lyudmila took her husband’s surname. But their life never worked out. It is unknown when exactly Lyudmila Nikolaevna divorced and remarried, but her second husband was Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, for whom this was also not his first marriage. It was in this union that on November 27, 1960, the daughter Yulia was born - the future gas princess, Prime Minister of Ukraine and the country's main political prisoner. When little Yulia was three years old, her parents divorced, Lyudmila Nikolaevna returned the surname of her first husband. Yulia remained with her father’s last name. It is not clear why, but neither Lyudmila Nikolaevna, nor her sister Antonina, nor Yulia Vladimirovna herself publicly talk about themselves and their family. Even prompt journalists were unable to obtain any reliable information on this matter. But still, there are several sources. Something in this case is explained by two books about Tymoshenko, written by her aunt Antonina Ulyakhina. In several places in the book “Yulia, Yulechka” she remembers her parents and grandparents (Tymoshenko’s great-grandfathers), but at the same time manages to never call them by name and patronymic and does not indicate their surnames. True, in several cases Ukrainian phrases were put into the grandmother’s mouth. There are assumptions that these statements are present so that the reader himself comes to the conclusion that Tymoshenko’s great-grandmother was Ukrainian. And then the question arises: why? Mom Lyudmila and her sister Antonina cannot speak Ukrainian? I had to see and hear them. So they communicate exclusively in Russian. By the way, Yulia Vladimirovna’s husband Alexander Timoshenko and their daughter Evgenia also do not use our native language in their speech. This is a typical Russian-speaking family. Tymoshenko herself quite successfully mastered Ukrainian only in 1999. All her earlier recordings and interviews are this sweet, seemingly fragile, business lady conducts exclusively in Russian.

In the book “Yulia, Yulechka” Antonina calls her grandmother (Timoshenko’s great-grandmother) Dasha. In such cases, native Ukrainians would call “grandmother Darina”, “Dara”, “Darka”, but by no means “Dasha”. And on page 56 it is indicated that Yulia Vladimirovna addressed her aunt Antonina as “Tosha”. Agree, such names are not entirely familiar to Ukrainian ears. In addition, the maiden name of Tymoshenko’s mother Lyudmila Nikolaevna Nelepova is also unlikely to be called Ukrainian. I would like to note that information about the family on Tymoshenko’s mother’s side is very scarce and fragmented. Despite the fact that Tymoshenko’s mother and aunt Antonina Ulyakhina should know their roots much deeper, they did not consider it necessary to talk about it. I have not found any other sources that could shed light on this issue.

Yulia Timoshenko's aunt Antonina Nikolaevna Ulyakhina (Nelepova):

As mentioned earlier, Tymoshenko’s mother has a sister - Antonina Nikolaevna Ulyakhina. The maiden name, like that of Yulia Vladimirovna’s mother, is “Nelepova”. She was born on July 18, 1949 in Dnepropetrovsk. As she herself writes in the book “Yulia, Yulechka”, lived with her parents three blocks from the taxi driver’s house, where her sister and Yulia’s mother lived. According to A. Ulyakhina, she got married at an early age, but then divorced. Her husband was Ulyakhin Valery Alexandrovich. In the late 90s, he worked as deputy director of the Beyutaga MP, owned by Tymoshenko’s relatives. Antonina Nikolaevna has a daughter, Tatyana, Timoshenko’s cousin. Ulyakhina wrote two propaganda books about Yulia Timoshenko: “Yulia, Yulechka” (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007) and “Yulia, Yulia Vladimirovna” (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007). In 2008, these truly “cultural works” were republished by the Kharkov publishing house “Folio”. Both of these books contain virtually no information about the Tymoshenko family. Moreover, her father, Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, is not even mentioned in them. But he lived with his family until Yulia turned three years old, raising his daughter. Antonina Nikolaevna graduated from the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute, was a participant in all of Yulia Vladimirovna’s business projects and covered some of their aspects in the book “Yulia, Yulia Vladimirovna.” For some time A.M. Ulyakhina headed the Dnepropetrovsk regional organization of the VO "Batkivshchyna".The following words testify to her understanding of the essence of public administration and political processes: “Politics is a thankless and treacherous business” This deep philosophical conclusion, by which Tymoshenko’s niece lives and acts, is unlikely to be a consequence of her personal conclusions. These are simply the aspects and features of Ukrainian politics. World politics knows many examples of pure play in the political field. Such famous people as Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, General de Gaulle, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Kohl, Vaclav Havela, Lech Walesa were also politicians with a capital P. So can their style of work really be called a dirty and insidious business? After all, these people raised politics to the level of art, thanks to which they led their countries to prosperity, made their people kinder and richer. But Yulia Tymoshenko, her aunt and all their oligarchic entourage are very far from this great art. To such statements, one can answer that politics becomes dirty and insidious only among those people who themselves are such. And there is no place for such individuals in the politics of any state.

Conclusions: Of course, this article cannot fully establish and confirm all the hidden points of the ancestry of Yulia Tymoshenko - a person who firmly believes in the gypsy prophecy that she should become president. However, if she really wants to get this high position, then should itself become as open as possible to the people, including regarding its origin. I can definitely say one thing: one can hardly call a decent person who strives to lead the country, but at the same time hides his ethnic origin. Of course, nationality is not a defining feature of a person’s personality. But it just so happened that the fact that the leader of a country belongs to a certain nation already gives him a special responsibility to it. This is a very important factor that can influence all his activities, prompting him to act for the benefit of his own people. The sense of responsibility, duty and love for one’s nation is much stronger than for representatives of any other country. It is for these reasons that in each country the Constitution stipulates that only a representative of an indigenous nation can be elected head of state. I have never heard of a Pole being elected president of Germany, a Russian in Poland, a Hungarian or Romanian in the Czech Republic, a Turk in Greece, or an Arab in Israel. And the reason is not that a person may turn out to be dishonest, but that a citizen of his country, in addition to decency, also has a blood debt to his own people. So why did we, Ukrainians, stop following this? After all, at all times in Ukraine, people without family and tribe were called “bezbatchenki, prodisvits and zaidas.” By their nature, they could not and did not do anything truly useful and good for a country foreign to them. As a matter of fact, that’s why no one expected anything from them. It is from this category of people that the current Ukrainian politician was largely formed. Its representatives shamelessly call themselves the “elite” of the country, they are now again trying to regain control of the state. Remember, in 2005, during the presidential campaign, many wondered why Yulia Vladimirovna Tymoshenko gave the right of primacy in the presidential race to such a weak, morally and politically unprepared politician as Viktor Andreevich Yushchenko? If someone thinks that he had more support from the electorate, I am ready to object! During the period of opposition rallies “Ukraine without Kuchma”, it was Yulia who was on the front line at the police cordons, it was she who led and inspired people to fight the regime. Yushchenko, in those difficult, turbulent times for the country, as a rule, took the position of a “hose”, making angry speeches in parliament. True, his faction often voted not with the opposition, but precisely against it. So maybe the whole point is that the protege of American influence groups, which can be considered Viktor Andreevich, is simply provided Yulia with information received “from above” about the true origin of the “woman in white and with a braid”. And for his silence he asked to be given the opportunity to become head of state. As compensation, he promised to make a “halachic Jew” prime minister. I do not rule out the fact that Yulia Tymoshenko was none other than the conductor of world Zionism in Ukraine. After all, initially the problem was not that she was Jewish, but how carefully she hid it. A lot suggests that it was hyper-Zionist circles that promoted it with the aim of creating a springboard for expanding their influence in our region. But that’s not the task; forces intervened and disrupted the clearly planned course of things. At first, Viktor Andreevich Yushchenko wanted to sit on the throne for at least one term. Then Viktor Fedorovich Yanukovych took the reins of power, in a fair, it should be said, fight. By the way, from this position, both Victors, so ardently disliked by the majority of the Ukrainian people, look like literally saviors of national interests from the clutches and influence of the “builders of world Zionism.” It is from this position that the orange-gas princess’s choice of her successor from among her comrades in the democratic camp seems quite logical . Arseniy Yatsenyuk, for all his inadequacy and absurdity, is also a representative of the Jewish nation, although he also hides it in every possible way. But upon closer examination of his roots, it becomes clear that Arseniy Petrovich is by no means a third-generation Ukrainian. Yatsenyuk’s mother, whose maiden name is Bakai, belongs to an ancient Jewish family, which is known to the world thanks to the most authoritative interpreter of the Talmud - Rabbi Bakai. You yourself understand what kind of funding entails reaching the top of the Zionist movement, promoting their interests in the highest circles of power. In addition, against the backdrop of persecution in the vastness of the former USSR of especially zealous and wealthy representatives of this nation (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky, etc.), Yulia Vladimirovna with her tangled roots and Arseniy Petrovich, who renounces his Jewish roots, fit into the situation perfectly. In addition, the question arises, where Tyagnibok is looking and what he is thinking about. How can an ardent nationalist-patriot allow himself to help representatives of the Jewish nation advance to the helm of Ukrainian power? Or maybe Mr. Tyagnibok hopes that it is they, Tymoshenko and Yatsenyuk, who will help him rise to the top of the Ukrainian Olympus? Is he still flattering himself with hopes that the Jews will elect a nationalist as a single candidate for the presidency of Ukraine? If Oleg Yaroslavovich really thinks so, then let me remind the main patriot of Ukraine that playing giveaway games with Jews is very dangerous. Even very cunning Ukrainians. Or are you also hiding something from your biography? Yes, this investigation has raised too many questions, and in the meantime the Slavic movement in Ukraine seems to be gaining momentum. Well, we'll wait and see!

P.S. I would like to inform you that due to the volume of material being too large, I had to split the article into two parts. Therefore, expect a continuation in the very near future. The second part will examine details from the life of Yulia Vladimirovna from her marriage to her “last days”... How her quest for power and money turned out for her loved ones, friends and enemies...

Materials used in preparing this article: 1. Book “Yulia, Yulechka” (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007), A.M. Ulyakhina; 2. The book “Yulia, Yulia Vladimirovna” (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007), A.M. Ulyakhina; 3. Ostrov N. “Tymoshenko’s Jewish roots” Phrase. - November 26, 2005. - -www.fraza.com.ua.4.  ; Gretz Chaim. “Halakhic Jew Tymoshenko, revolution and hyper-Zionism” Phrase. - September 16, 2005.http://fraza.com.ua/print/16.09.05/10131.html5.  ; Material from Wikipedia - the free encyclopedia http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki : Topics: - Jewishness; - Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko.6. Collection of dossiers on famous people http://www.pseudology.org/Eneida/Grigian_Timoshenko.htm7.  ; News portal -http://regnum.ru/news/issues/989417.html8.  ; News portal -http://ns-portal.com/blog/news/664.html9.  ; Investigation by Dmitry Chobit